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The National Reconciliation Commission in Hindsight: An Evaluation of Impact

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Transitional Justice in Ghana

Part of the book series: International Criminal Justice Series ((ICJS,volume 25))

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Abstract

Few studies in transitional justice rely on empirical data to interpret the outcome of truth commissions and to analyse the extent to which truth commissions impact transitional societies. In order to elucidate this aspect of transitional justice , this chapter examines the concepts of ‘impact’ and ‘success’ within transitional justice . It also designates criteria for assessing Ghana’s National Reconciliation Commission, which can be used for other truth commissions with minor contextual modifications. The established criteria form the basis for discussing the impact of the commission, using quantitative and qualitative data from a survey conducted by the author. The examination of the National Reconciliation Commission’s impact not only sheds light on the current perceptions held about the work of the commission in Ghana but also demonstrates how the use of empirical data helps to clarify the uncertainties about the impact of truth commissions .

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Notes

  1. 1.

    On some of the expected goals of truth commissions, see for instance Ambos 2015, p. 469; Kritz 2009, p. 13; Mazzei 2011, pp. 434–435; Popkin and Roht-Arriaza 1995, p. 80; and Zalaquett 1995, p. 5.

  2. 2.

    For further discussions on the need for literature on the impact of transitional justice, see Kritz 2009, p. 17; Van Der Merwe et al. 2009b, p. 4; and Wiebelhaus-Brahm 2010, p. 22. See also Hirsch et al. 2012, pp. 387, 391–392; Lundy 2010, p. 105; and Thoms et al. 2010, p. 330.

  3. 3.

    See Mendeloff 2004, p. 375. According to Wiebelhaus-Brahm 2010, p. 7, existing studies on truth commissions’ effectiveness fail to analyse their impact beyond the immediate completion of their work. Olsen et al. 2010c, p. 981 also assert that even if transitional justice mechanisms attain their perceived objectives, no scholarship has indicated how, when and why they occur. See also Bonacker and Buckley-Zistel 2013, p. 6.

  4. 4.

    For instance, Hamber 2009, p. 168, argues that the expected outcomes of truth commissions that are excessively highlighted by truth commission advocates are not fully true. Nichols 2019, p. 3 also asserts that the ability of truth commissions to make an impact depends on their institutional features, such as their level of independence from the past regime and transparency in their work. See also Frederking 2015, pp. 15–16; Nwogu 2010, p. 276; Waldorf 2009, p. 111; and Wilson 2001, 161.

  5. 5.

    See Wilson 2001, p. 161.

  6. 6.

    See Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights 2006a, p. 32. https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/RuleoflawTruthCommissionsen.pdf. Accessed 2 November 2019.

  7. 7.

    See Sect. 1.2.4in Chap. 1 of this book.

  8. 8.

    On the difficulties posed by how to define impact and success, see Wiebelhaus-Brahm 2010, p. 22; Brahm 2005, pp. 21–22, 24–25; Hirsch et al. 2012, p. 396; and Thoms et al. 2008, p. 28.

  9. 9.

    Brahm 2007, p. 18.

  10. 10.

    See Bakiner 2014, pp. 6–7.

  11. 11.

    Brahm 2007, p. 17.

  12. 12.

    See Cassel 1995, pp. 332–333.

  13. 13.

    Kemp 2004, p. 68.

  14. 14.

    See Posner and Vermeule 2003, p. 768.

  15. 15.

    See Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights 2006a, p. 32. https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/RuleoflawTruthCommissionsen.pdf. Accessed 2 November 2019.

  16. 16.

    See Van Der Merwe et al. 2009b, p. 5.

  17. 17.

    See Wiebelhaus-Brahm 2010, p. 17. See also Olsen et al. 2010b, pp. 457–476.

  18. 18.

    Skaar et al. 2015, pp. 46–47.

  19. 19.

    Ibid., pp. 46–55.

  20. 20.

    According to Sikkink 2012, pp. 30–31, this will constitute ‘counterfactual reasoning’. See also Moler 2010, pp. 21–39.

  21. 21.

    See Long 2008, pp. 1–14.

  22. 22.

    See Allan and Allan 2000, pp. 459–477; Hamber 2001, pp. 131–148; Millar 2010, pp. 477–496; Silove et al. 2006, pp. 1222–1224; and Van Der Merwe et al. 2009b, p. 5.

  23. 23.

    See Ferrara 2015.

  24. 24.

    See for instance Bachmann 2010, pp. 71–100; Gibson 2004, pp. 201–217.

  25. 25.

    See Bakiner 2014, pp. 6–7.

  26. 26.

    See Backer 2009, p. 28.

  27. 27.

    Zalaquett 1995, p. 9.

  28. 28.

    See Olsen et al. 2010a, pp. 29–42.

  29. 29.

    See for instance Van Der Merwe et al. 2009b, p. 5; and Wiebelhaus-Brahm 2010, p. 17. See also Olsen et al. 2010b, pp. 457–476. Assessments based on the goals of transitional justice fall into the category of ‘comparison with the ideal’, according to the classification by Sikkink 2012, pp. 29–30. According to Werle and Vormbaum 2018, p. 34, the goals of transitional justice are the core values that underlie the new democracy. The goals of transitional justice can be broadly categorised as establishment of the truth, enhancement of democracy and rule of law, prevention of the recurrence of human rights violations, attainment of lasting peace, national unity and reconciliation, remedying the harm caused as a result of the human rights violations suffered, and establishing accountability and justice for human rights violations. For a cross-sectional overview of these goals of transitional justice, see African Union Panel of the Wise 2013, p. 13. https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/ipi_e_pub_peacejusticeafrica.pdf. Accessed 4 September 2019; Ambos 2015, p. 469; Chapman 2009b, p. 94; Crocker 1999, pp. 53–60, 61–62; De Greiff 2012, pp. 52–58; Kritz 2009, p. 13; Kritz 1995, pp. xx, xxi; Popkin and Roht-Arriaza 1995, p. 80; Posner and Vermeule 2003, p. 768; Sooka 2006, pp. 320–321; the United States Institute of Peace 2008, pp. 1–2; Van Der Merwe et al. 2009b, p. 3; and Zalaquett 1995, pp. 5, 6, 8.

  30. 30.

    On the difficulty of establishing a causal link between a particular paradigm and the work of a transitional justice mechanism, see Wiebelhaus-Brahm 2010, p. 22, who asserts that ‘correlation’ is often considered as ‘causation’. He also proposes in Brahm 2005, pp. 21–22, 24–25, that taking a look at the factors which led to the establishment of a truth commission could be a first step in resolving this difficulty. See also Ferrara 2015, pp. 17–18; and Hirsch et al. 2012, p. 396.

  31. 31.

    Ferrara 2015, pp. 17–18.

  32. 32.

    On the goals of truth, justice, reconciliation and peace, see Werle and Vormbaum 2018, pp. 34–38.

  33. 33.

    Crocker 1999, p. 50.

  34. 34.

    Ibid., pp. 49–53. See also Kritz 1995, p. xxvi.

  35. 35.

    See Aldana 2006, pp. 109–114.

  36. 36.

    Crocker 1999, pp. 49–53. See also Goldstone 1996, pp. 488, 489; and Kritz 1995, p. xxvi.

  37. 37.

    About the existence of a consensus for undertaking a national reconciliation exercise in Ghana, see Boafo-Arthur 2006, pp. 132, 138, 145.

  38. 38.

    See Aldana 2006, p. 117.

  39. 39.

    See Goldstone 1996, p. 489.

  40. 40.

    See Aldana 2006, p. 118. See also Goldstone 1996, p. 490, on the deterrent effect of justice .

  41. 41.

    On the need for national reconciliation in Ghana, see Boafo-Arthur 2005, pp. 110–111.

  42. 42.

    See National Reconciliation Commission 2004, vol 1, para 2.1.1.

  43. 43.

    See Brounéus 2008, p. 292.

  44. 44.

    In this regard, see Beetham et al. 2008, pp. 23, 24; and Mihr 2012, pp. 11–12, 19, who writes that solidarity is a key factor for assessing democracy. Solidarity in this sense entails peaceful co-existence amongst the different segments of the society, without regard to differences in beliefs and opinions, as well as the existence of support for democratic ideals by the government.

  45. 45.

    See the Ghana Centre for Democratic Development 2006, p. 10.

  46. 46.

    See the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa 1998, vol 1, paras 29–45. See also Borraine 2006, p. 21.

  47. 47.

    See Republic of Ghana, National Reconciliation Commission Act, 2002, Act 611 (NRC Act), s 3(1).

  48. 48.

    See Chapman 2009b, p. 109; and Hayner 2011, p. 84.

  49. 49.

    Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa 1998, vol 1, para 43.

  50. 50.

    Ibid., para 45.

  51. 51.

    On this argument, see Hayner 2011, p. 84; and Zalaquett 1995, p. 6.

  52. 52.

    Aside the expressly mentioned time frames, individuals could apply to the NRC for cases falling outside the specified periods, but which occurred from 6 March 1957 and 6 January 1993, to be heard. See the NRC Act, above n 47, ss 3(1), 3(2). For details on the mandate of the NRC, see Sect. 3.3.5 in Chap. 3 of this book.

  53. 53.

    See the Ghana Centre for Democratic Development 2006, pp. 3–4. In total, 41% of the respondents were from the then Northern Region (currently Northern, Savannah and North-East Regions), 20% from the Ashanti Region, 19% from the Greater Accra Region, 16% from the then Western Region (currently Western and Western-North Regions) and 4% from the Central Region of Ghana.

  54. 54.

    See the Ghana Centre for Democratic Development 2006, p. 22.

  55. 55.

    Boafo-Arthur 2006, p. 149.

  56. 56.

    Ibid.

  57. 57.

    Ansah-Koi K, Department of Political Science, University of Ghana, Personal Interview (18 August 2016); and Boafo-Arthur K, Department of Political Science, University of Ghana, Personal Interview (18 August 2016).

  58. 58.

    Ansah-Koi, above n 57; and Boafo-Arthur, above n 57.

  59. 59.

    Ansah-Koi, above n 57; and Boafo-Arthur, above n 57.

  60. 60.

    Ansah-Koi, above n 57; and Boafo-Arthur, above n 57.

  61. 61.

    Annan IL, Director and Chief Investigator, Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice , Personal Interview (25 August 2016).

  62. 62.

    On this issue, see for instance Gibson 2004, pp. 215–216, where after analysing empirical data, he does not come to a definite conclusion regarding whether or not there is a causal relationship between truth and reconciliation.

  63. 63.

    See for instance Gibson 2004, pp. 212, 215–216, where he uses empirical data to establish a positive relationship between truth and reconciliation amongst different groups in South Africa. In contrast, a study conducted by Kaminer 2001, pp. 373–377, revealed that some victims who had appeared before the South African TRC had not been either emotionally healed or forgiven perpetrators. See also Lundy 2010, p. 104, where she writes that ‘establishing the ‘truth’ is no guarantee that beliefs and attitudes change’, and that truth can in some instances cause divisions in society.

  64. 64.

    See Sect. 4.2.1 in Chap. 4 of this book.

  65. 65.

    NRC Act, above n 47, s 3(1).

  66. 66.

    On this subject, see Zalaquett 1995, p. 8, who writes that it is not acceptable for a truth commission to compensate victims in order not to disclose the truth. See also Borraine 2006, p. 22; and Mihr 2012, p. 32.

  67. 67.

    This is because although the commission, in reality, decided to receive all petitions relating to human rights violations that occurred between 6 March 1957 and 6 January 1993, the existence of the discretion, created room for possible selectivity.

  68. 68.

    See National Reconciliation Commission 2004, vol 1, para 2.3.3.4.1 at note 1.

  69. 69.

    Zalaquett 1995, pp. 6–8.

  70. 70.

    Ibid., p. 8.

  71. 71.

    Ibid., p. 6.

  72. 72.

    Regarding these aspects of the right to truth, see United Nations Commission on Human Rights 2005, paras 3, 5, 14, 15.

  73. 73.

    For instance, some news items create the impression that some Ghanaians still consider former President Jerry John Rawlings and his former security adviser as being complicit in the murder, although this is not stated in the NRC’s report. See for instance: Quansah 2013. http://thechronicle.com.gh/rawlings-tsikata-cannot-escape-blame-for-murders-so-foul/. Accessed 22 October 2019; The Daily Guide 2007. http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/artikel.php?ID=126507. Accessed 22 October 2019; and Johnson 2014. http://www.dailyguideghana.com/3-murdered-judges-remembered/. Accessed 22 October 2019.

  74. 74.

    See Aldana 2006, p. 117; Ambos 2009, pp. 22–23; and Borraine 2006, pp. 18, 20.

  75. 75.

    United Nations Security Council 2004, para 7.

  76. 76.

    For further explanations of the different forms of justice under transitional justice , see Porter 2015, pp. 11, 13–14; and Van Der Merwe 2009a, pp. 115, 119. See also Borraine 2006, p. 18, who identifies the forms of justice as economic , restorative, retributive and distributive.

  77. 77.

    See Sect. 6.2 in Chap. 6 of this book.

  78. 78.

    See Hamber 1995. http://www.csvr.org.za/publications/1713-do-sleeping-dogs-lie-the-psychological-implications-of-the-truth-and-reconciliation-commission-in-south-africa. Accessed 15 October 2019; and Hayner 2011, p. 145.

  79. 79.

    For further details on victims’ rights to remedies, see United Nations General Assembly 2006, para 11.

  80. 80.

    See the NRC Act, above n 47, ss 4(c), 20(2)(h), 20(2)(d).

  81. 81.

    See the Ghana Centre for Democratic Development 2006, pp. 17–18.

  82. 82.

    Ibid., pp. 17–18.

  83. 83.

    Ibid., p. 23.

  84. 84.

    For the demographic details of all respondents, see Appendix C of this book.

  85. 85.

    See National Reconciliation Commission 2004, vol 1, Chap. 6.

  86. 86.

    Boafo-Arthur, above n 57.

  87. 87.

    Oduro F, Deputy Director, Ghana Centre for Democratic Development, Personal Interview (16 August 2016).

  88. 88.

    See United Nations General Assembly 2006, para 11.

  89. 89.

    Satz 2012, pp. 140–141.

  90. 90.

    On the economic status of transitional societies, see De Greiff 2009, p. 29.

  91. 91.

    See Satz 2012, p. 145.

  92. 92.

    On this issue, see Tomuschat 2005, pp. 582–587, where he argues that individual compensation claims are not a right under customary international law.

  93. 93.

    The individual sums that were received by victims ranged from 217 USD and 3,300 USD, based on the extent and nature of human right violations suffered. See Asare 2008, p. 35. See also National Reconciliation Commission, vol 1, para 7.4.3.

  94. 94.

    See the Ghana Statistical Service 2018, p. 12; and The Ghana Statistical Service 2008, p. 27. http://www.statsghana.gov.gh/docfiles/gh_figures_2008.pdf. Accessed 11 November 2019.

  95. 95.

    See United Nations General Assembly, Human Rights Council 2013, para 91.

  96. 96.

    See the United Nations Human Rights Committee 2004, para 19.

  97. 97.

    On the linkage of institutional reforms to guarantees of non-repetition, see Andreu-Guzmán 2013, p. 4. https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/164673/80ed6b7fa08ff1e0620fe297f85f63f0.pdf. Accessed 1 November 2019; and Ferstman 2010, p. 23. See also United Nations General Assembly 2006, para 23; and Inter-American Court of Human Rights, Velásquez-Rodríguez v Honduras, Judgment of 29 July 1988, Ser. C. No. 4 (Velásquez-Rodríguez 1988), para 174. Regarding the role of institutional reform in prevention of human rights violations, see Ferstman 2010, p. 26.

  98. 98.

    See Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights 2006b, p. 3.

  99. 99.

    See NRC Act, above n 47, s 20(2)(e).

  100. 100.

    See National Reconciliation Commission 2004, vol 3, paras 7.7.4, 3.3.11, 3.3.22.2, 3.3.28.1, 3.4.1. Regarding the recommendations for institutional reform, see Sect. 4.4.1.3 in Chap. 4 of this book.

  101. 101.

    Boafo-Arthur 2006, p. 149.

  102. 102.

    Ibid.

  103. 103.

    Annan, above n 61; and Oduro, above n 87.

  104. 104.

    Oduro, above n 87.

  105. 105.

    Ibid.

  106. 106.

    Annan, above n 61.

  107. 107.

    Ansah-Koi, above n 57.

  108. 108.

    Ibid. According to him, the commission could have dealt better with human rights if its recommendations had been taken more seriously and the amnesty provisions in Ghana had been repealed.

  109. 109.

    Annan, above n 61; and Oduro, above n 87.

  110. 110.

    Oduro, above n 87.

  111. 111.

    In support of his answer, he cited the case of Montie three, in which three radio discussion panelists were sentenced to four months imprisonment for publicly threatening to rape the Chief Justice of Ghana and kill some other judges. The said threats were made against the judges for presiding on a case that had been brought against the Ghanaian Electoral Commission to challenge the credibility of the voters register. See Supreme Court of Ghana, Abu Ramadan and Evans Nimako v The Electoral Commission of Ghana and the Attorney General; In Re the Owner of the Station-Montie FM and three Others, 27 July 2016, Civil Motion No: J8/108/2016. He also cited the case of the 2012 election petition, in which following the holding of the presidential elections, the then opposition New Patriotic Party, petitioned the Supreme Court of Ghana, to challenge the validity of the election results. Although the decision of the court indicated that there were indeed some electoral irregularities, the petition was dismissed, and the leader of the opposition who had petitioned the court, accepted the court’s decision in good faith. See Supreme Court of Ghana, In the Matter of a Petition Challenging the Validity of the Election of John Dramani Mahama as President of the Republic of Ghana Pursuant to the Presidential Election Held on 7th and 8th December, 2012, Between Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo and Two Others; and John Dramani Mahama and Two Others, 2013, Writ No. J1/6/2013.

  112. 112.

    See Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=20180&LangID=E. Accessed 2 October 2019.

  113. 113.

    See Amnesty International 2013. http://www.amnestyusa.org/research/reports/annual-report-ghana-2013?page=show. Accessed 2 October 2019; and Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights 2016. http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=20180&LangID=E. Accessed 2 October 2019.

  114. 114.

    Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=20180&LangID=E. Accessed 2 October 2019.

  115. 115.

    Freedom House is a private watchdog institution that demonstrates its commitment to democracy and world freedom by evaluating determinants of world freedom and conducting advocacy for the promotion of political and civil rights. See Freedom House 2019. https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/ghana. Accessed 2 October 2019.

  116. 116.

    See Borraine 2006, p. 22; Chapman 2009a, p. 145; and Mihr 2012, p. 32.

  117. 117.

    Sánchez and Rognvik 2012, p. 6.

  118. 118.

    See Borraine 2006, p. 22; and Mihr 2012, p. 32.

  119. 119.

    Ibid.

  120. 120.

    Chapman 2009a, p. 144.

  121. 121.

    Mendéz 2001, p. 28.

  122. 122.

    See Riesenfeld 2008, p. 4.

  123. 123.

    See Bloomfield 2003, p. 12.

  124. 124.

    See du Toit 2011, p. 3.

  125. 125.

    See Brounéus 2003, p. 20.

  126. 126.

    Brounéus 2009, p. 205; and Larson 2009, p. 125.

  127. 127.

    Regarding reconciliation at the societal level, Hayner explains that when dealing with reconciliation in post dictatorships and conflicted regimes, one must make a distinction between national (or political) and individual reconciliation. In her view, the kind of reconciliation that is of concern here is national reconciliation. Individual reconciliation is very uncertain regarding the work of truth commissions. See Hayner 2011, p. 183. It has also been asserted that the notion of reconciliation in the private context, which is seen to be a result of forgiveness, is not applicable in transitional justice , where attainment of forgiveness is more complicated. Hence, although forgiveness is not always conceivable in transitional societies, reconciliation can still be plausible. Moreover, forgiveness within the context of transitional justice is not very simple on account of the high number of people involved in the wrongs in question, and the existence of varied views about the possibility of public forgiveness, as opposed to private forgiveness. See Doorn 2008, pp. 382–389.

  128. 128.

    See NRC Act, above n 47, s 3(1).

  129. 129.

    See National Reconciliation Commission 2004, vol 1, para 2.1.2.1.

  130. 130.

    The number of respondents polled in this survey is however not mentioned in the report. See Ghana Web 2004. http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/artikel.php?ID=61664. Accessed 11 September 2019.

  131. 131.

    See the Ghana Centre for Democratic Development 2006, p. 22.

  132. 132.

    See Asamoah et al. 2014, p. 46.

  133. 133.

    Boafo-Arthur, above n 57.

  134. 134.

    Oduro, above n 87.

  135. 135.

    Annan, above n 61.

  136. 136.

    Oduro, above n 87. About reconciliation being a process, see also Mihr 2012, p. 37.

  137. 137.

    Oduro, above n 87.

  138. 138.

    See Hayner 2011, p. 189.

  139. 139.

    See National Democratic Institute 2016, p. 2. https://www.ndi.org/sites/default/files/Ghana%20IOM%20Statement%20Final.pdf. Accessed 14 October 2019; and Jimah 2016. https://www.modernghana.com/news/668562/media-independence-key-to-national-development.html. Accessed 19 October 2019.

  140. 140.

    The Center for African Democratic Affairs 2012. http://www.modernghana.com/news/403939/1/election-violence-in-ghana.html. Accessed 22 October 2019; Ansah-Koi, above n 57.

  141. 141.

    For instance, whereas the Ashantis in Ghana are known to be predominantly members of the New Patriotic Party, the Ewes are predominantly National Democratic Congress supporters. See Arthur 2009, pp. 53–63; Fridy 2007, pp. 302–303; and Yayoh 2006–2007, pp. 144–145.

  142. 142.

    For details of these debates, see Ghana Web. https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/features/dossier.php?ID=725. Accessed 28 September 2019.

  143. 143.

    Boulding 1978, p. 6.

  144. 144.

    See Bleiker and Krupanski 2012, p. 12.

  145. 145.

    National Reconciliation Commission 2004, vol 1, para 1.1.5.

  146. 146.

    Ibid., vol 3, paras 3.12.1, 3.12.2, 3.12.3.

  147. 147.

    See Sect. 5.4.2.1 in the present chapter.

  148. 148.

    See the Ghana Centre for Democratic Development 2006, p. 22.

  149. 149.

    Oduro, above n 87.

  150. 150.

    See Ghana News Agency 2017. https://www.ghanabusinessnews.com/2017/06/01/352-chieftaincy-disputes-remain-unresolved-in-ghana/. Accessed 12 October 2019.

  151. 151.

    See Ghana Web 2018. https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Crime-rate-shot-up-slightly-in-Ghana-for-2018-first-quarter-Police-CID-654893. Accessed 28 October 2019.

  152. 152.

    This includes the 2016 presidential elections in which, for the first time in the country’s history, a sitting President contested and lost the election to an opposition party.

  153. 153.

    Only six of these political parties participated in the 2016 presidential elections. See the Electoral Commission of Ghana. http://www.ec.gov.gh/political-parties.html. Accessed 3 October 2019.

  154. 154.

    For instance, the Coalition of Domestic Election Observers, a group made up of 34 civil society bodies was very instrumental in the peacefulness and transparency of the 2016 presidential elections. This was done by stationing observers at different polling stations during the registration of voters and during the voting as well as making public statements on the process. The group also conducted a ‛Parallel Vote Tabulation’ which it used to ascertain the accuracy of the outcome of the elections. See CODEO Ghana. http://www.codeoghana.org/lib-projects.php#domestic. Accessed 14 October 2019; Ghana Web 2016. http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/2016-election-results-is-true-reflection-of-people-s-choice-CODEO-493617. Accessed 14 October 2019. Regarding the media, their critical role is illustrated by their contribution to peacefulness and transparency of presidential elections. For instance, during the 2016 presidential elections, media coverage was very extensive to the extent that some media groups accurately predicted the outcome of the elections even before the Electoral Commission announced the results. See also Jockers et al. 2010, pp. 99–100, on the role of the media during the 2008 presidential elections.

  155. 155.

    See Institute for Economics and Peace 2018. https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Global-Peace-Index-2018-2.pdf. Accessed 20 October 2019.

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Yankson-Mensah, M. (2020). The National Reconciliation Commission in Hindsight: An Evaluation of Impact. In: Transitional Justice in Ghana. International Criminal Justice Series, vol 25. T.M.C. Asser Press, The Hague. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-379-5_5

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