Abstract
Christian Evangelicals are a growing political and social force in Latin America. Most recently, conservative Evangelical movements have intervened before human rights institutions to undermine basic LGBTI achievements, such as same-sex marriage, and other demands for equal rights. Some commentators thus speak of an imminent showdown between human rights protection and Christian Evangelism, emerging from a resurgence of religious populism also seen elsewhere in the world. This chapter problematizes this narrative, by exploring the origin of Evangelicalism in Latin America, and its approach to key human rights issue of their time in three different moments and places: Chile in the 1970s, Colombia in the 1990s, and Costa Rica in the 2000s. Through this exploration, the chapter interrogates the traditional framework of the secular state in Latin America, and warns against the current ambition of a top-down “secular fundamentalism” in the region, which may disenfranchise Evangelicals, and create deep resentment against the human rights movement. Costly as it may be, human rights institutions need to be bold in creating argumentative spaces that allow for the Evangelical experience to exist in the public sphere in Latin America, in a context of respect for human rights in general, and LGBTI rights in particular.
Rene Urueña is Associate Professor and Director of Research, Universidad de Los Andes (Colombia).
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Notes
- 1.
The case studies were selected to capture the role played by Evangelical Christians in moments of deep social upheaval and of fundamental redefinition of public powers: the military coup in Chile, the first Constitutional Assembly in over a century in Colombia, and the open clash of Costa Rican institutions with the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, which the former hosts in its very capital. In that sense, the cases seek to illustrate Evangelical strategies when facing an existential threat, and not in ‘normal’ circumstances, where the political stakes might be marginal. Moreover, they seek to cover the three central moments of recent Latin American history: dictatorships (1970–80s), transitions (1990s), and democracy (2000 onwards). Other examples of these dynamics, not included in this chapter, are the Argentinean case in the 1980s, Peru in the 1990s, and the Brazilian case since 2000.
- 2.
Conniff 2012.
- 3.
J Lafuente and T Bedinelli, Los evangélicos se convierten a Bolsonaro, El País, 8 October 2018, https://elpais.com/internacional/2018/10/07/america/1538930780_735803.html, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 4.
Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2012.
- 5.
The label ‘Latin America’ was promoted by the French in the mid-1800s, with the purpose of resisting the United States’ ‘Saxon America’ (see Phelan 1968, but also see Quijada 1998). Despite these difficulties, as this chapter will show, it is possible to describe shared trends and challenges in the region, particularly with regards to public law after the 1990s. The notion of ‘Protestantism’, in turn, will be unpacked later in this same text.
- 6.
See, generally, Mayer 2008.
- 7.
See Lewin 1962, at 136–138.
- 8.
Recent work on Freemasonry during the Independence in the region shows the key role played by a religious, non-Catholic, mindset in the struggle. See, for example, Ferrer Benimeli 2015. Also, the 2010 special issue of the Revista de Estudios Históricos de la Masonería Latinoamericana y Caribeña, Martínez Moreno 2011.
- 9.
See Rosa Del Carmen 1990.
- 10.
- 11.
Gargarella 2008.
- 12.
In the second half of the 19th century, seven Concordats were signed with Latin American countries: Bolivia (1851), Costa Rica (1852), Guatemala (1852), Honduras (1861), Ecuador (1862), El Salvador (1862), and Colombia (1887).
- 13.
- 14.
See Iriarte 1995.
- 15.
Cordi Galat and Álvarez 1985.
- 16.
See Gaitán-Bohórquez and Malagón-Pinzón 2009.
- 17.
Robbins 2004.
- 18.
Nolivos 2012, at 92.
- 19.
Offutt 2015.
- 20.
Dejean 2015.
- 21.
This classification is loosely based on Schäfer 1992. However, Schäfer distinguishes between four different kinds of Protestantism in the region: historic, established Evangelical, established Pentecostal, and Neo-Pentecostal. Instead, for the purposes of this chapter, I propose to group both established movements into a single category, and create a third category for independent churches, as established churches can conceivably be Pentecostal or neo-Pentecostal.
- 22.
Source: http://mci12.com/nuestra-iglesia/. Accessed 19 March 2019.
- 23.
- 24.
See Johnston 2000.
- 25.
‘Charismatic’, in this context, refers to spiritual gifts (‘charism’) bestowed upon believers by the Holy Ghost, such as words of wisdom, the gifts of healing, prophecy, the discernment of spirits, speaking in tongues, or the interpretation of tongues. For example, see Romans 11:29, 12:6, 1; or Corinthians 12:4, 9, 12:28, 30–31.
- 26.
Schäfer 1992, at 82.
- 27.
Fogel 2000.
- 28.
Source: Marley 2007, at 75–77.
- 29.
See S Kinzer, Efraín Ríos Montt, Guatemalan Dictator Convicted of Genocide, Dies at 91, The New York Times, 1 April 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/01/obituaries/efrain-rios-montt-guatemala-dead.html, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 30.
Source: Pew Research Center 2014.
- 31.
Source: Esquivel 2017.
- 32.
Source: Esquivel 2017.
- 33.
Source: Pew Research Center 2014.
- 34.
Source: Own calculations based on Pew Research Center 2014, at 17. ‘Religious commitment’ means, for Pew, those who stated praying daily, attending a weekly religious cult, and consider religion as very important in their life.
- 35.
- 36.
- 37.
Freston 2007.
- 38.
Bastian 1993.
- 39.
- 40.
Martin 1994.
- 41.
- 42.
See Ferguson 2018.
- 43.
See Pérez Guadalupe 2017.
- 44.
See Hernández and Burguete 2005.
- 45.
See in the context of the UK, Field 2018.
- 46.
For a map of the evolving conceptual definition of populism that includes, at the very least, these dimensions, see Bueno Romero 2013.
- 47.
For a concept of populism in Latin America that centers, at least in part, on the personalist leader, see Rovira Kaltwasser 2014.
- 48.
See Fediakova 2002.
- 49.
- 50.
Puente 1974, at 30. Pedro Puentes Oliva was Pastor of the Iglesia Presbiteriana Independiente, and a key Protestant leader. Declaration reproduced in Espinoza Orihuela 2012. Two days after this statement, the largest Protestant temple at the time would be opened, the Methodist Pentecostal Church of Jotabeche, in Santiago.
- 51.
- 52.
On the Vicariate, see Lowden 1995.
- 53.
The German-born Frenz’s residence permit was, in fact, revoked by the military government in 1975, upon a trip to Geneva, and was thus forbidden to return to Chile. Thereafter, he became the Executive Secretary of the German office of Amnesty International. See Frenz 2006. In English, see Frenz 2008.
- 54.
See Casanova 1994, at 218–224.
- 55.
A similar division within the Evangelical churches could be also observed in Argentina during the dictatorship, where a group of churches silently supported the military regime (particularly Evangelical churches, and some Pentecostals), while other churches joined the progressive Catholics in the establishment of the Asamblea Permanente por los Derechos Humanos (APDH) in 1975, and the Movimiento Ecuménico por los Derechos Humanos (MEDH), in 1976. According to Susana Bianchi, in Argentina the dividing line existed even before the coup, as some of the historical churches (like the Methodists and the Lutherans) had shown a prior affinity with a ‘social Gospel’ not unlike Catholic Liberation Theology, while the other group was more influenced by US conservative Evangelicals. In sharp contrast with Chile, though, these divisions within Evangelicals did not play out significantly in the public arena, as the Catholic Church’s support for the Argentinean dictatorship was steadfast, thus creating less of a need for the legitimizing effect of Evangelicals (see Bianchi 2004, pp. 251–65). Thus, the state had the keys for allowing Evangelical participation in the public sphere – and quite literally so, as the government managed a ‘Cult Registry’ (‘Fichero de Cultos’), which gave it control over designation of authorities and internal organizational dynamics of non-Catholic organizations (see Catoggio 2008). Therefore, both groups in Argentina, then, mostly played out their differences in the private realm of intra-denomination rivalry.
- 56.
- 57.
This description of the CCI’s activities is based on Mansilla et al. 2015.
- 58.
See Mansilla et al. 2015, at 338.
- 59.
Quoted in Mansilla et al. 2015, at 343.
- 60.
Mansilla et al. 2015, at 343.
- 61.
For an exploration of this constitutional dynamic, see Urueña 2013.
- 62.
See Huneeus 2016.
- 63.
See Bogdandy et al. 2017, at 11 and 20.
- 64.
For a critical review of the 1980s period, see Roa 1993.
- 65.
See Cepeda van Houten 2007.
- 66.
See El Tiempo, Una Sorpresa: Los Candidatos de Dios, 11 December 1990, https://www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/MAM-34564, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 67.
- 68.
See Lemaitre Ripoll 2009.
- 69.
See Moreno 2015.
- 70.
- 71.
For an early review of the model, see Cepeda 1995, at 169–170.
- 72.
This mindset was reproduced in 1994, through Law 133, which gave content to the fundamental freedom of religion, whose discussion was led by Viviane Morales, a key Evangelic leader who was in the senate from 1992 to 1996. The law focuses on protecting the right of freedom of religion, the institutional recognition of institutions, and the mechanics of the equality among different kinds of religions.
- 73.
Thus, for example, an important line of precedent extends to Evangelicals the same tax exemptions recognized to the Catholic Church (in Decision T-352 of 1997 (per Eduardo Cifuentes) and Decision T-700 of 2003 (per Rodrigo Escobar)). Another line extends the same rights to Evangelicals in terms of certain legal or administrative procedures, for example, ordering the presence of an Evangelical pastor in jails (T-376 de 2006, per Marco Gerardo Monroy). There are many other decisions that strike down as unconstitutional particular benefits for the Catholic Church, which are not focused on Evangelicals, but of course have an indirect (positive) effect on them (and on all other non-Catholic faiths). For a summary of this case law, see García Jaramillo 2013.
- 74.
While the issue of abortion was also crucially important, it will not be explored here.
- 75.
Data is from 2017. See Pew Research Center 2017.
- 76.
See Corrales 2015.
- 77.
For a useful review of the existing literature on religious conservative activists in the region, see Morán Faúndes 2018.
- 78.
See Holland 2011, at 12.
- 79.
Holland 2009.
- 80.
Holland 2011, at 17–18.
- 81.
http://www.mediosticos.com/cristianos.php (Accessed 19 June 2018).
- 82.
Opinión Consultiva OC-24/17: Identidad de Género, e Igualdad y No Discriminación a Parejas del Mismo Sexo 2017, at 4.
- 83.
Opinión Consultiva OC-24/17: Identidad de Género, e Igualdad y No Discriminación a Parejas del Mismo Sexo 2017, at 87.
- 84.
IACtHR, Artavia Murillo et al. (“In Vitro Fertilization”) v. Costa Rica, Judgment of 28 November 2012 (Merits).
- 85.
Sala Constitucional de la Corte Suprema de Costa Rica, Sentencia No. 2016-01692 de las 11:21 hrs. de 3 de febrero de 2016.
- 86.
Source: A Sequeira, PUSC se mete de lleno en lucha contra decreto de Luis Guillermo Solís sobre la FIV, La Nación, 22 September 2015, https://www.nacion.com/el-pais/politica/pusc-se-mete-de-lleno-en-lucha-contra-decreto-de-luis-guillermo-solis-sobre-la-fiv/2XXUUAVGVBEKNHTHGIQ3GAEWWE/story/, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 87.
IACtHR, Artavia Murillo et al. (“In Vitro Fertilization”) v. Costa Rica, Resolution on compliance, February 26, 2016. In particular, see paras 26 and 36. See, however, Judge Vio Grossi’s strong dissenting opinion, in which he questions the IACtHR’s jurisdiction to adopt such a decision, especially in para 52.
- 88.
M Avendaño, Magistrado Luis Fernando Salazar: Es momento de que la Sala IV se haga a un lado, La Nación, 1 March 2016, https://www.nacion.com/el-pais/salud/magistrado-luis-fernando-salazar-es-momento-de-que-la-sala-iv-se-haga-a-un-lado/KXMCQE7VEZGW7PQPFTGDR25JKU/story/, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 89.
P Recio, Mario Redondo: la resolución de la CIDH es una ‘atrocidad’, La Nación, 1 March 2016, https://www.nacion.com/el-pais/politica/mario-redondo-la-resolucion-de-la-corte-idh-es-una-atrocidad/FF5M5WY4M5EHHABRXE6TRRHVEM/story/, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 90.
G Ruiz, Bloque cristiano con pocas opciones de limitar la FIV, La Nación, 3 March 2016, https://www.nacion.com/el-pais/politica/bloque-cristiano-con-pocas-opciones-de-limitar-la-fiv/SKBCLWYIDJDPJNJOH6DSGUI2KA/story/, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 91.
See The Economist, Latin America’s human-rights court moves into touchy territory, 1 February 2018, https://www.economist.com/the-americas/2018/02/01/latin-americas-human-rights-court-moves-into-touchy-territory, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 92.
A Murillo, “El matrimonio no parece ser un derecho para homosexuales.” El País, 26 March 2018, https://elpais.com/internacional/2018/03/26/america/1522024297_765736.html, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 93.
DA García, Costa Rica vote halts march of religious conservatism, Reuters, 3 April 2018, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-costarica-election-evangelical/costa-rica-vote-halts-march-of-religious-conservatism-idUSKCN1HA081, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 94.
For this same move in the context of Catholic conservative activism, see Lemaitre Ripoll 2012.
- 95.
- 96.
McCrudden 2015.
- 97.
Swartz 2012.
- 98.
D de Cardenas, Los 4 pecados capitales de la ONU contra la libertad religiosa en el mundo, Actuall, 19 February 2017, https://www.actuall.com/persecucion/los-4-pecados-capitales-de-la-onu-contra-la-libertad-religiosa-en-el-mundo/, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 99.
Fokas 2016, at 543.
- 100.
Alliance Defending Freedom, 2014 IRS Form 990, 7 November 2014, https://adflegal.blob.core.windows.net/web-content-dev/docs/default-source/documents/resources/about-us-resources/financials/990-public-adf-june-2015.pdf?sfvrsn=2, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 101.
UN Economic and Social Council, List of non-governmental organizations in a consultative status with the Economic and Social Council as of 1 September 2016, E/2016/INF/5, 29 December 2016.
- 102.
See https://adfinternational.org/who-we-are/, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 103.
Ibid.
- 104.
Southern Poverty Law Center, Dangerous Liaisons: The American Religious Right & The Criminalization of Homosexuality in Belize, July 2013, https://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/d6_legacy_files/downloads/resource/dangerous_liaisons_splc-report.pdf, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 105.
Alliance Defending Freedom, Atala v. Chile, 19 February 2011, https://adfinternational.org/legal/atala-v-chile/, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 106.
Alliance Defending Freedom, Murillo et al. v. Costa Rica: Protecting Life ‘From Contraception’ in the Inter-American System, 8 May 2012, http://www.adfmedia.org/files/2012-05-08_Costa_Rica_Update.pdf, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 107.
Alliance Defending Freedom, Alberto Duque v. Colombia, 26 February 2016, https://adfinternational.org/legal/alberto-duque-v-colombia/, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 108.
Alliance Defending Freedom, Inter-American Court must respect national sovereignty, 3 May 2017, https://adfinternational.org/news/inter-american-court-must-respect-national-sovereignty/, accessed 18 March 2019.
- 109.
See, for example, Miranda Novoa 2012.
- 110.
See generally Urueña and Huneeus 2016.
- 111.
See Céspedes-Báez 2016.
- 112.
See Urueña 2017.
- 113.
See Céspedes-Báez 2016.
- 114.
See Jaramillo Sierra 2017.
- 115.
- 116.
- 117.
Cavanaugh 2009, at 121.
- 118.
Locke 1983.
- 119.
Kennedy 1998.
- 120.
Most of this case law has emerged in connection with public manifestations of Islam, with one notable exception. See European Court of Human Rights, Dahlab v. Switzerland, Second Section, Judgment 15 February 2001 Refah Partisi (The Welfare Party) and others v. Turkey, Grand Chamber, Judgment, 13 February 2003, Leyla Şahin v. Turkey, Grand Chamber, Judgment, 10 November 2005, but see Lautsi and Others v. Italy, Second Section, Judgment, 3 November 2009, that dealt with a Finnish mother’s complaint of crosses in Italian public schools. The decision was reversed in Lautsi and Others v. Italy, Grand Chamber, Judgment, 18 March 2011. On secular fundamentalism, see Langlaude 2006, at 937; Evans 2001, at 305 and 312.
- 121.
See Slotte 2010.
- 122.
Evans 2001, at 80.
- 123.
‘[T]he Court considers this notion of secularism to be consistent with the values underpinning the Convention (…) An attitude which fails to respect that principle will not necessarily be accepted as being covered by the freedom to manifest one’s religion and will not enjoy the protection of Article 9 of the Convention’. European Court of Human Rights, Leyla Şahin v. Turkey, para 114.
- 124.
Slotte 2010.
- 125.
For example, in reference to the European Court of Human Right’s Lautsi case, Weiler has suggested that religious expression is a spiritual expression, but it is also a political expression, and both dimensions intertwine constantly. Thus, while one must accept and protect the right to be free from religion, it is also the case that we cannot require those who are religious to abstain from participating in public debate, through their religious expression. The duty of tolerance cannot be translated, in that sense, into a duty of changing one’s own identity, it requires respect for the believers and non-believers. See Weiler 2010, the full intervention can be watched at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ioyIyxM-gnM.
- 126.
IACtHR, Bámaca Velásquez v. Guatemala. Merits, decision of 25 November 2000.
- 127.
IACtHR, Bámaca Velásquez v. Guatemala. Separate opinion Judge A. A. Cancado Trindade, para 21.
- 128.
IACtHR, Mayagna (Sumo) Awas Tingni Community v. Nicaragua, Judgment of 31 August 2001, para 141.
- 129.
John 17:14–19.
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Urueña, R. (2019). Reclaiming the Keys to the Kingdom (of the World): Evangelicals and Human Rights in Latin America. In: Nijman, J., Werner, W. (eds) Netherlands Yearbook of International Law 2018. Netherlands Yearbook of International Law, vol 49. T.M.C. Asser Press, The Hague. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-331-3_8
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