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Care of Abandoned Children in Sunni Islamic Law: Early Modern Egypt in Theory and Practice

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Filiation and the Protection of Parentless Children

Abstract

The concept of the best interests of the child comes into tension with premodern Islamic law with respect to the issue of adoption because Islamic law does not allow a child to take the name or inheritance of her or his non-biological parents. Many scholars and policymakers have considered premodern Islamic juristic discourse to violate the child’s best interests as it creates a number of disadvantaged legal categories of children in Islamic law, all while prohibiting adoption. In this chapter, I show the ways in which premodern Muslim jurists and judges (with focus on early modern Egypt) were able to circumvent the prohibition of adoption through discursive moves and practices, which helped create a family life for many parentless and non-biological children. I discuss the institutional care of children to show that most premodern children were indeed given a family life rather than left to the care of orphanages. The premodern jurists’ permissive attitude toward the acknowledgement of children without the presentation of evidence of paternity was one of the ways in which they were able to provide a family life for foundlings and abandoned children more broadly.

Ahmed Fekry Ibrahim is assistant professor at the Institute of Islamic Studies at McGill University, Montreal.

I am indebted to Dr. Walter Edward Young for his help with the final drafts of this chapter and to my students, Ahmad Munir and Omar Edaibat, for their research help. I am grateful to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) for their research grant, which enabled me to conduct the research for this article.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Paradelle 1999, pp 105–6; United Nations 2005, p 325.

  2. 2.

    For more on al-tabannī see Al-Mawsūʿa al-Fiqhiyya 1990, s.v. tabannī, vol 10, pp 120–22; Powers 2008; Chaumont 2012; Mattson 2009.

  3. 3.

    Yassari 2015, pp 927–62; Landau-Tasseron 2003, pp 169–92; Pollack et al. 2004, p 693.

  4. 4.

    Thelen and Haukanes 2010, pp 1–4.

  5. 5.

    Ishaque 2008, pp 393–420; Liefaard and Doek 2015.

  6. 6.

    Ishaque 2008; Liefaard and Doek 2015.

  7. 7.

    For more on qiyāfa and the walad li-l-firāsh maxim see Al-Mawsūʿa al-Fiqhiyya 1990, s.v. firāsh, vol 32, pp 80–82, and s.v. qiyāfa, vol 34, pp 92–105; Ibn Rushd 1995, vol 4, pp 214ff, 217–20 [transl. Nyazee 1999, vol 2, pp 431ff, 434–36]; Al-Jazīrī 2003, vol 4, pp 461ff, and vol 5, pp 108–9.

  8. 8.

    Al-Balādhurī 1997, vol 5, pp 197–204.

  9. 9.

    Shaham 2010, pp 154–94.

  10. 10.

    Shaham 2010, pp 154–94.

  11. 11.

    Al-Miṣrī et al. 1997, vol 4, p 273.

  12. 12.

    Al-Miṣrī et al. 1997, vol 4, p 200. For more on liʿān see Al-Mawsūʿa al-Fiqhiyya 1990, s.v. liʿān, vol 35, pp 246–67, and s.v. walad al-liʿān, vol 45, pp 224–27; Ibn Rushd 1995, vol 3, pp 213–29 [transl. Nyazee 1999, vol 2, pp 140–49]; Al-Jazīrī 2003, vol 5, pp 95–110; Schacht 2012a.

  13. 13.

    Al-Miṣrī et al. 1997, vol 4, p 274.

  14. 14.

    For more on the umm walad see Al-Mawsūʿa al-Fiqhiyya 1990, s.v. istīlād, vol 4, pp 164–69; Ibn Rushd 1995, vol 4, pp 283–88 [transl. Nyazee 1999, vol 2, pp 475–77]; Al-Jazīrī 2003, vol 4, p 237; Schacht 2012b.

  15. 15.

    Al-Shaybānī 2012, vol 5, pp 163–64.

  16. 16.

    According to Ḥanafīs, the marriage contract is sufficient to establish paternity even if the husband can prove no contact for years. Most non-Ḥanafī jurists treat lack of contact due to long absence as grounds for denying paternity. See Shaham 2010, pp 154–59.

  17. 17.

    Shaham 2010, pp 154–59.

  18. 18.

    Welchman 2007, pp 142–55.

  19. 19.

    Al-Miṣrī et al. 1997, vol 4, p 274.

  20. 20.

    Al-Miṣrī et al. 1997, vol 4, p 264.

  21. 21.

    Al-Miṣrī et al. 1997, vol 4, p 265.

  22. 22.

    For more on the awlād al-zinā, or ‘children of fornication/adultery’, see Al-Mawsūʿa al-Fiqhiyya 1990, s.v. walad al-zinā, vol 45, pp 215–24; Ibn Rushd 1995, vol 4, p 217 [transl. Nyazee 1999, vol 2, pp 433–34].

  23. 23.

    Welchman 2007, pp 142–55.

  24. 24.

    Al-Miṣrī et al. 1997, vol 5, p 249.

  25. 25.

    The default position for substantive rulings reviewed in the following sections will be the majority Ḥanafī opinion. Divergent Ḥanafī opinions, as well as those of other Sunnī madhhabs, may be found in the general reference works cited for specific legal terms and categories.

  26. 26.

    Nasr et al. 2015, pp 1019–20.

  27. 27.

    For more on the yatīm see Al-Mawsūʿa al-Fiqhiyya 1990, s.v. yatīm, vol 45, pp 254–59; Chaumont and Shaham 2012.

  28. 28.

    Al-Bukhārī 1997, vol 8, pp 33–34, no 6005.

  29. 29.

    Al-Shirbīnī 1997, vol 3, p 597.

  30. 30.

    Boswell 1990; Dols and Immisch 1992; Heywood 2001; Miller 2003.

  31. 31.

    In order to partially relieve the problem of lack of willing guardians, Theodosius I and Valentinian II broke with Classical Roman law by removing the traditional legal barrier against women serving as guardians in 390 AD – but only when there was no testamentary guardian. See Lev 2005, pp 113–15; Dols and Immisch 1992; Miller 2003, pp 49–77.

  32. 32.

    According to Miller, the Constantinople Orphanotropheion had an educational program as early as the fifth century and many sources attest to the existence of an orphan choir that, according to some accounts, greeted the emperor with songs as he entered the Hagia Sophia. See Miller 2003, pp 49–77.

  33. 33.

    Boswell 1990; Pullan 1994; Heywood 2001; Lester 2007, pp 1–17; Gardner 1998, pp 114–208.

  34. 34.

    See Lev 2005, pp 113–15.

  35. 35.

    Sabra 2000, p 84.

  36. 36.

    The endowment deed establishes a Qur’ānic school where the orphans and their teacher also stayed (kuttāb al-sabīl al-madhkūr a‘lāh al-mu‘add li-iqāmat al-aytāmi wa-mu’addibihim). Mayer 1938, p 9.

  37. 37.

    Lev 2005, pp 113–14. Baron also shows that certain terms such as maljaʾ (refuge) were used in the nineteenth century. See Baron 2008, p 33.

  38. 38.

    Lev 2005, pp 113–18; Fernandes 1983, p 14.

  39. 39.

    Lev 2005, pp 85–90; Behrens-Abouseif 1994; Raymond 1979, pp 235–91.

  40. 40.

    Lev 2005, pp 85–90; Behrens-Abouseif 1994; Raymond 1979; Sabra 2000, pp 80–94.

  41. 41.

    Giladi 1995, pp 291–308.

  42. 42.

    Goitein 1988, vol 2, p 91.

  43. 43.

    Sabra 2000, pp 62–63.

  44. 44.

    The administration of justice was essential to the very success of the state, as has been argued by Wael Hallaq in his exposition on the ‘Circle of Justice’ (Hallaq 2009, pp 197–200). An expression of the Circle of Justice is found in the 14th-century Mamluk chief judge who quoted sayings attributed to pre-Islamic Persian kings in a treatise written for the Turkish Sultans: ‘There is no kingship without an army, there is no army without money, there is no money without justice and cultivation of the land, there is no cultivation without subjects, there are no subjects without justice.’ Winter 2001, p 201.

  45. 45.

    The absence of the state from the business of poverty relief led to the prevalence of begging (i.e., the direct appeal to the community for help) in medieval Cairo. In the case of the Mamluk state, see Sabra 2000, pp 32–40.

  46. 46.

    On inadequate handling of the zakāt and its limited role in caring for the underprivileged, see Lev 2005, p 157.

  47. 47.

    Ibn Qudāma 2004, vol 2, p 2008.

  48. 48.

    For more on the laqīṭ see Al-Mawsūʿa al-Fiqhiyya 1990, s.v. laqīṭ, vol 35, pp 310–25; Fadel 2013; Delcambre 2012; Ibn Rushd 1995, vol 4, p 124 [transl. Nyazee 1999, vol 2, p 374].

  49. 49.

    Al-Shaybānī 2012, vol 5, pp 241–42.

  50. 50.

    Al-Shaybānī 2012, vol 5, p 243. For more on this type of care see our discussion of kafāla, below.

  51. 51.

    Ibn al-Humām and al-Marghīnānī 2003, vol 6, pp 103–5.

  52. 52.

    Al-Miṣrī et al. 1997, vol 5, pp 241–43.

  53. 53.

    Al-Shaybānī 2012, vol 5, p 243. On the requirement for objects and animals found in public spaces, see Ibn al-Humām and al-Marghīnānī 2003, vol 6, p 121.

  54. 54.

    Al-Miṣrī et al. 1997, vol 5, pp 243–44.

  55. 55.

    Al-Shaybānī 2012, vol 5, p 243.

  56. 56.

    Al-Miṣrī et al. 1997, vol 5, p 247.

  57. 57.

    Ibn al-Humām and al-Marghīnānī 2003, vol 6, pp 103–5.

  58. 58.

    Ibn al-Humām and al-Marghīnānī 2003, vol 6, pp 103–5.

  59. 59.

    Ibn al-Humām and al-Marghīnānī 2003, vol 6, pp 109–10.

  60. 60.

    Al-Shaybānī 2012, vol 5, p 243.

  61. 61.

    Al-Shaybānī 2012, vol 5, p 243.

  62. 62.

    Al-Miṣrī et al. 1997, vol 5, p 241–43.

  63. 63.

    Al-Miṣrī et al. 1997, vol 5, p 244. This is of particular interest, in that such a juristic opinion may be mobilized in modern times to allow for adoptions by same-sex couples. Should one follow a pragmatic approach treating juristic rulings in the same way legal transplants are conceptualized – as opposed to a maqāṣid approach concerned with the coherence of the entire system of Islamic law – one could mobilize individual rules to solve contemporary problems (see Ibrahim 2015, pp 157–220, for the historical evolution of this pragmatic approach in Islamic law). Such a method is consistent with the taqlīd approach to lawmaking (see Jackson 1996, pp 165–92; Fadel 1996, pp 193–233; Ibrahim 2016a, pp 801–16; Ibrahim 2016b, pp 285–303). Drawing upon the rules allowing co-acknowledgement of two or more mothers or fathers as legal stratagems which can be mobilized to legitimize the same-sex parenting of Muslim children would constitute a poignant example. Combined with the rules for non-Muslim acknowledgement of filiation, the 2013 case of a lesbian couple who adopted a Muslim child in the Netherlands would become a possibility; and the overall tactic would not be dissimilar to many widely practised ḥiyal strategies in Islamic banking today (Note that this case of adoption led to a diplomatic row between Turkey and the Netherlands in 2013. See Roberts 2013.).

  64. 64.

    For more on iqrār as it relates to paternity claims (iqrār bi-l-nasab), see Al-Mawsūʿa al-Fiqhiyya 1990, s.v. al-iqrār, vol 6, pp 46–79, esp. s.v. al-iqrār bi-l-nasab, pp 75–79; Linant de Bellefonds 2012a, esp. section III.

  65. 65.

    Ibn al-Humām and al-Marghīnānī 2003, vol 8, pp 412–13.

  66. 66.

    Ibn al-Humām and al-Marghīnānī 2003, vol 8, pp 413–14.

  67. 67.

    Ibn al-Humām and al-Marghīnānī 2003, vol 8, p 415.

  68. 68.

    Ibn al-Humām and al-Marghīnānī 2003, vol 8, p 414.

  69. 69.

    Ibn al-Humām and al-Marghīnānī 2003, vol 8, p 419.

  70. 70.

    Welchman 2007, pp 142–55. For more on kafāla-qua-surety/guarantee see Al-Mawsūʿa al-Fiqhiyya 1990, s.v. al-kafāla, vol 34, pp 287–320; Linant de Bellefonds 2012b; Peters 2013; Ibn Rushd 1995, vol 4, pp 93–98 [transl. Nyazee 1999, vol 2, pp 355–59]; Al-Jazīrī 2003, vol 3, pp 210–18; Hallaq 2009, pp 258–60.

  71. 71.

    Court of Qisma ʿArabiyya, Sijill 2 (970-1/1562-3), Archival Code 1004-000002, Dār al-Wathāʾiq al-Qawmiyya, Cairo, doc 19, 13.

  72. 72.

    Court of Qisma ʿAskariyya, Sijill 26 (1019/1610), Archival Code 1003-000105, Dār al-Wathāʾiq al-Qawmiyya, Cairo, doc 160, 77; Court of Qisma ʿArabiyya, Sijill 3 (973/1566), Archival Code 1004-000003, Dār al-Wathāʾiq al-Qawmiyya, Cairo, doc 176, 104.

  73. 73.

    Ibrahim 2018.

  74. 74.

    Usually expressions of the verb forms kafala and takaffala.

  75. 75.

    Court of Ṣāliḥiyya al-Najmiyya, Sijill 3 (951/1544), Archival Code 1012-000003, Dār al-Wathāʾiq al-Qawmiyya, Cairo, doc 125, 39.

  76. 76.

    Court of Qisma ʿArabiyya, Sijill 2 (970-1/1562-3), Archival Code 1004-000002, Dār al-Wathāʾiq al-Qawmiyya, Cairo, doc 86, 57.

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Ibrahim, A.F. (2019). Care of Abandoned Children in Sunni Islamic Law: Early Modern Egypt in Theory and Practice. In: Yassari, N., Möller, LM., Najm, MC. (eds) Filiation and the Protection of Parentless Children. T.M.C. Asser Press, The Hague. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-311-5_1

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-311-5_1

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