Abstract
Following the withdrawal of large scale military contingents from Afghanistan and Iraq, enthusiasm in the Western world for what has been called ‘armed state-building’ seems to have sunk to an all-time low. This is not entirely surprising given the high stakes and the meagre results of the massive efforts by American, European and other military personnel and civilians in the wake of forced regime change in these countries in 2001 and 2003. As a result, the so-called comprehensive approach—the NATO-concept for integrating military and civilian efforts in post-intervention stabilization efforts—has also lost much of its shine. This concept emerged in recognition of the fact that such operations required concerted efforts of a variety of state and non-state organizations. In this sense, the comprehensive approach was the organizational vehicle to engage with and influence the existing post-conflict economic, political and social structures and processes in failing and fragile states. Treating the concept in a broader historical context, this chapter sketches and explains its roots, rise and the early signs of demise. It argues that it is justified to question many of the assumptions underlying the recent idealistic interpretations of comprehensive approaches and to criticize the actual levels of civil-military integration in Afghanistan. It also acknowledges the inevitability, given current threats and a loss of appetite for counter-insurgency and state-building, of a shift of focus to conventional warfare and waging ground wars by proxy. However, like US institutions in the wake of the Vietnam War—we run the risk of throwing out the baby with the bathwater if we do not continue to build on past mistakes, thereby shaking of the naivety of the post-9/11 era and anchoring the many lessons that were learned. After all, the type of conflict we get embroiled in is mostly not of our own choosing.
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Notes
- 1.
The author would like to thank Andrew Gawthorpe and Frans Osinga for their comments. He is indebted to the former for the quote by Sherard Cowper-Coles that was used in the title.
- 2.
For the seemingly self-evident character of the benefits of the CA, see De Coning and Friis 2011, pp. 257–258.
- 3.
- 4.
Rasmussen 2010.
- 5.
Mountcastle 2016, pp. 47–53.
- 6.
Donnison 1966, p. 361.
- 7.
Porch 2002, pp. 132, 211.
- 8.
The British and the Dutch launched similar notions around 1900 in the form of ‘White man’s burden’ and ‘Ethische Politiek’.
- 9.
Brocades Zaalberg 2015, pp. 67–83.
- 10.
Strachan 2007, p. 8.
- 11.
Beckett 2001, p. 92.
- 12.
Horne 2006, p. 109.
- 13.
Horne 2006, pp. 108–109.
- 14.
Paret 1964, p. 125. The fundamental source of failure in Algeria, however, was on the political level. Like the Dutch in the East-Indies, the French declined to offer independence, and thus refused to address Arab political and socio-economic aspirations.
- 15.
Westmoreland 1965.
- 16.
Military and civilian agencies had tried to buttress the South-Vietnamese governments for nearly a decade by the time of the Americanization of the war in 1965. See Carter 2006.
- 17.
- 18.
- 19.
Gawthorpe 2017.
- 20.
Gawthorpe 2017.
- 21.
Strachan 2007, pp. 206–207.
- 22.
Brocades Zaalberg 2006, pp. 243–250.
- 23.
- 24.
Rice 2000.
- 25.
Gordon 2000.
- 26.
Rice 2008.
- 27.
Egnell 2013, p. 239.
- 28.
As a tactical implementation tool in the early years of NATO’s engagement in and around Kabul, the Alliance had little more than an outdated NATO concept for Civil-Military Co-operation (CIMIC), which had its foundations in Cold War preparations for conventional war-fighting. Conceptually it was unsuccessful in adapting to the requirements of complex peace operations in the late 1990s. It remained tactical in nature and its emphasis had been on supporting military objectives rather than enabling the military to make a coherent contribution to broader political objectives, thereby neglecting a true integration of civilian and military efforts. This made CIMIC unsuitable at the time for meeting the Alliance’s main operational challenges as they expanded from peace operations on the Balkans to counter-insurgency in Afghanistan. See Brocades Zaalberg 2006 and 2008.
- 29.
Williams 2011, p. 65.
- 30.
Martin 2004.
- 31.
PRT reconstruction funds were limited and the teams did not require a large infantry capacity for actual stabilization operations. They only used several platoons for force protection for their bases and core elements, such as the mission teams that liaised with the Afghan authorities and other power-brokers.
- 32.
- 33.
- 34.
Jakobson 2008.
- 35.
- 36.
Bot 2006.
- 37.
The NATO Riga Summit Declaration noted that “today’s challenges require a comprehensive approach by the international community involving a wide spectrum of civil and military instruments”. Thereto NATO leaders tasked members “to improve coherent application of NATO’s own crisis management instruments” and strengthen practical coordination with relevant international organizations. NATO 2006; Friss and Binnendijk 2007.
- 38.
Hazelbag 2016, p. 52.
- 39.
The fact that most of these notions were derived from earlier counter-insurgency experience and theory was often unknown in NATO circles around 2006.
- 40.
In The Netherlands, despite its prominent place in policy documents, the comprehensive approach leads a “waning existence”. See Hazelbag 2016, p. 364.
- 41.
Cowper-Coles 2012, p. 144.
- 42.
U.S. Army, FM-3-24, 2006, p. 55.
- 43.
U.S. Army FM- 3-24 resonated what Michael Shafer in his critical analysis of the Vietnam war presented as the Hearts and Minds theory, which was based on what he called the three big ‘oughts’: the government countering an insurgency ought to secure the population from insurgent coercion, they ought to provide competent, legal, responsive administration and they ought to meet rising expectations with higher living standards. See Grandia Mantas 2013.
- 44.
Fastabend 2007.
- 45.
- 46.
- 47.
This was clearly the case in The Netherlands, where policymakers tried to avoid entanglement in the debate about whether their Task Force Uruzgan was engaged in a ‘fighting mission’ or a ‘reconstruction mission’. Missions were sold under the guise of 3D-mantras such as “no reconstruction without security, no security without reconstruction”, thus giving equal importance to all lines of operations and doing a bit of everything. In the Dutch case, military commanders facilitated political indecisiveness in setting priorities and creating hierarchy between ‘ends’ and ‘ways’ by claiming—at least in public—that the debate of whether the Dutch had come to Uruzgan to fight an insurgency or reconstruct was irrelevant as their units were doing both. Dimitriu and De Graaf 2015; Boom 2007; Katsman 2012. For a similar statement by the NATO Secretary General, see Rasmussen 2010.
- 48.
For a summary of this argument, see Grandia Mantas 2013.
- 49.
Duyvesteyn 2013.
- 50.
- 51.
- 52.
Porch 2011, p. 253.
- 53.
Rietjens et al. 2013, p. 273.
- 54.
Gates 2009, pp. 29–30.
- 55.
De Coning and Friis 2011, pp. 257–258.
- 56.
- 57.
- 58.
Simpson 2013, p. 244.
- 59.
Cowper-Coles 2012, pp. 142, 144.
- 60.
- 61.
Rasmussen 2010.
- 62.
Rasmussen 2010.
- 63.
- 64.
As witnessed by author with the TFU in Uruzgan in 2008 and 2010.
- 65.
Hazelbag 2016, pp. 210, 361.
- 66.
Consecutive PRT-commanders complained about the enemy-centric priorities within the TFU and the Battlegroup. Grandia Mantas 2009, p. 19.
- 67.
Kitzen 2016, p. 436.
- 68.
Dutch-American tension was strong within Uruzgan, but also U.S. policy towards Uruzgan lacked coherence. U.S. Special Forces cooperated intensively with the two main local power brokers that they saw as key allies in the struggle against the Taliban. Meanwhile the TFU was trying to curtail and even sideline these related warlords, despite their strong ties to the presidency in Kabul. American State Department officials, including those in Uruzgan, seemed to share the Dutch view. Kitzen 2016, pp. 382–383, 456.
- 69.
Ucko 2012, p. 78; for a similar note: Brigadier-general T.R. McMaster keynote lecture during the annual Society of Military History Conference, 10–13 May 2012, Washington D.C.
- 70.
Hazelbag 2016, p. 363.
- 71.
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Brocades Zaalberg, T. (2017). The Snake Oil of Stabilisation? Explaining the Rise and Demise of the Comprehensive Approach. In: Ducheine, P., Osinga, F. (eds) Netherlands Annual Review of Military Studies 2017. NL ARMS. T.M.C. Asser Press, The Hague. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-189-0_5
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