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Part of the book series: Higher Education Dynamics ((HEDY,volume 53))

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Abstract

This chapter outlines the new architecture of university decision-making after implementation of the University Law of 2003. Reform of higher education in Denmark involved fundamental changes to the governance structure of Danish universities. Global policy efforts to transform universities in ways that are perceived as fitting with the needs of the emerging global knowledge economy are taken as a starting point for ethnographic exploration of the enactment of reform after the 2003 ‘policy moment’. The chapter starts by exploring the values and expectations of newly appointed governing board members and follows them as they engage in realizing the university through daily decision-making processes. Whilst the intent of the Law was clear (to transform universities to better serve societal ends, conceived largely in terms of economic relevance) governing board members from outside the university and those elected from within understood this transformational project very differently. Nevertheless, the new regulatory regime for universities, not least contract steering and executive management, together with the often contradictory imperative of market competition shaped and constrained how stakeholders enacted governance processes.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    I would like to acknowledge the substantial support provided Nathalia Brichet who played a major role in collecting the data reported here, and who provided much insight into reform processes in the three case study universities. Susan Wright was also actively involved in many of the formal interviews.

  2. 2.

    Prior to 2003 most Danish universities were governed by a konsistorium: the university’s highest executive committee, chaired by the rector and consisting of 14 members: 5 representatives of the management (including the rector and deans who were themselves directly elected by all employees and students), 2 elected represntatives of academic staff, 2 elected represntatives of administrative staff, 3 elected represntatives of students, and 2 external members appointed by the Danish Council for Research Policy and the chair of education councils. For practical purposes the konsistorium combined the functions of the Council and the Senate found in many other university systems. Decision-making and institutional oversight were functions internal to the university with final recourse to the Minister in cases of deep disagreement, academic misconduct or students’ complaints. In the 2003 reformed system, a new governing board (bestyrelesen) took on the functions of a Council, and there was no Senate. They were accountable to the minister and were responsible for the statutes, strategy, approving the budget, and appointing the rector, and they took over from the rector responsibility for the development contract, although the rector’s powers over internal management were also strengthened (Ørberg 2007). The new governing boards consisted of a majority of external members, thus significantly limiting internal representation by academic and support staff and students. One governing board comprised 13 members (with seven externals); five other governing boards had 11 members (with six externals); two had 9 members (with 5 externals); one was undecided, and three other universities did not previously have a konsistorium, so were unchanged. External governing board members were nominated by the universities (often by the out-going konsistorium) and formally appointed by the Minister (Rasmussen 2004: 4).

  3. 3.

    An early study of the first generation of 47external members of the governing boards found that 62 percent were men and 38 percent female. Of these, some 13 percent were non-Danish nationals, although all could communicate and work in Danish. Some two-thirds had research experience and over half had post-graduation experience within the university sector. Whilst slightly more than half now worked in major private firms such as Arla, Novo Nordisk, Grundfos and Mærsk, some 40 percent came from public authorities or other public-funded institutions. Sixty percent of all governing board members from this first generation were either serving CEOs or chairs of boards elsewhere. Between half and 75 percent of Danish university governing board members had some form of earlier affiliation with the university via their own earlier higher education or by virtue of the relation of their firm to the university (Rasmussen 2004).

  4. 4.

    It should be noted here that many department leaders failed to create these structures. This was later specified as one of their obligations in the 2011Amendment to the Law.

  5. 5.

    This institution which was founded in 1858 merged into the University of Copenhagen in 2007 as the Faculty of Life Sciences.

  6. 6.

    The Ministry’s own website uses the term ‘suggested indicators’ in English as its translation of the Danish term ‘resultatkrav’ although this does not capture the essentially imposed nature of the request.

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Carney, S. (2019). Governing the Post-Bureaucratic University. In: Enacting the University: Danish University Reform in an Ethnographic Perspective. Higher Education Dynamics, vol 53. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1921-4_6

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