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Sustaining Indigenous Identity Through Language Development: Comparing Indigenous Language Instruction in Two Contexts

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Indigenous Education

Abstract

Indigenous language instruction in elementary and secondary schools has a significant impact on indigenous culture and identity. The history of indigenous language instruction policy is always unique and its impact on the community depends on a range of internal and external factors. Using a theoretical framework of ethnic identity formation and cultural revitalization, we compare indigenous language policy and use in the Northern Cheyenne Nation and Timor-Leste. We identify commonalities and differences in indigenous language instruction when the indigenous language is in a stage of revitalization (Northern Cheyenne Nation) vs. preservation or prevention of language loss (Timor-Leste). In both cases we find that decentralized formal educational decision-making, and increased support of self-determination for indigenous groups play a key role in the successful pursuit of indigenous language instruction leading to increased salience of indigenous group identities and indigenous language use in schools, other institutions, and daily life. While each case has a unique history of oppression, colonization, duration of assimilationist policies, and available resources for the advocacy of indigenous language instruction, there are important similarities in the general experiences of indigenous language groups independent of whether the indigenous language in question is in a stage of revitalization or preservation.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Currently, the dictionary may be accessed through Chief Dull Knife College’s website (http://www.cdkc.edu/cheyennedictionary/index-en.htm).

  2. 2.

    An official language is that which the government uses in the fulfillment of its day-to-day responsibilities.

  3. 3.

    A national language is a language that is symbolic of national heritage or culture.

  4. 4.

    Other languages are spoken on the Island (e.g., Chinese), but are not as pervasive or established as those listed here.

  5. 5.

    This figure is reported differently in various sources. In the MECYS (2005, p. 4) “Education and Training: Priorities and Proposed Sector Investment Program” published by the Secretariat of Sate for Labor and Solidarity of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, the number of primary schools is reported as 756 (the actual report is for 922 schools of which 82 % are primary schools) whereas the figure as reported in UNDP (2002, p. 49) is 707.

  6. 6.

    Once again there is a discrepancy between the figures reported in MECYS (2005) and UNDP (2002). MECYS (2005, p. 5) reports 3,470 teachers in the 2000/2001 school year whereas UNDP (2002, p. 50) reports 2,991 primary school teachers for the 2000/2001 school year.

  7. 7.

    The approximate 400 years of Portuguese colonial rule of Timor-Leste are not considered as years of assimilationist policy due to the fact that the Portuguese did not attempt to force the Portuguese culture or language on the people of Timor-Leste, but instead were content using the country for the extraction of natural resources.

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Correspondence to Carol J. Ward .

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Ward, C.J., Braudt, D.B. (2015). Sustaining Indigenous Identity Through Language Development: Comparing Indigenous Language Instruction in Two Contexts. In: Jacob, W., Cheng, S., Porter, M. (eds) Indigenous Education. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9355-1_8

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