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Germany and the Janus Face of Immigration Federalism: Devolution vs. Centralization

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Part of the book series: International Perspectives on Migration ((IPMI,volume 9))

Abstract

What challenges and opportunities has federalism held for countries like Germany, one of Europe’s most ‘reluctant’ states of immigration? Although the formal, constitutional division of powers between the German central government (Bund) and the federal states (Länder) has certainly shaped Germany’s response to immigration and integration, federalism is only one aspect of a broader, ‘semisovereign’ model of governance that has dominated German state-society relations for decades (Katzenstein 1987). This model sees a range of decentralized state actors, among them constantly negotiating with a set of highly centralized societal (or “parapublic”) organizations, such as churches, labour and employer associations, leading to at best incremental policy change over the years. While some observers argue that this model will endure and likely also impair Germany’s ability to successfully navigate future immigration and integration challenges (Green and Paterson 2005), others argue that German political actors have been quite successful all along in shifting “venues” to suit their policy preferences, be that “up” (to the intergovernmental/EU level), “down” (to the local level) or “out” (to non-state actors) (Guiraudon and Lahav 2000). The chapter will argue that Germany’s particular version of immigration federalism has facilitated both incrementalism and venue shifting.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    As Motomura rightly notes, this legal division is in fact an artificial one that blurs the strong functional overlap between the two categories and their real, interlocking public policy consequences (Motomura 1994).

  2. 2.

    The Länder have certainly taken the OECD up on the recommendation and now maintain separate representations in Brussels.

  3. 3.

    See: http://www.bundesrat.de/cln_051/nn_8758/DE/gremienkonf/fachministerkonf/imk/imk-node.html.

  4. 4.

    The two examples are: Council Directive 2009/9/EC, January 27, 2003 (“Minimum Standards Directive”), Council Directive 2009/50/EC, May 25, 2009 (“EU Blue Card Directive”).

  5. 5.

    See http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49c3646c4d6.html for historical data.

  6. 6.

    See http://www.bundesrat.de/cln_051/nn_8758/DE/gremienkonf/fachministerkonf/imk/imk-node.html.

  7. 7.

    Applicants from Eastern Europe had to wait only 1 year (Kanstroom 1993, p. 197).

  8. 8.

    In cases of “particular federal interest” or in case of a danger to national security or of terrorism (Par. 58 a AufenthG).

  9. 9.

    This is EU Directive 2008/115, the so-called “Returns Directive.”

  10. 10.

    http://www.svr-migration.de/content/.

  11. 11.

    http://www.frankfurt.de/sixcms/detail.php?id=7017&_ffmpar[_id_inhalt]=7846492.

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Sasha Baglay, Delphine Nakache and Rob Mauchel for their patience and editorial feedback. I also owe sincere thanks to Virginie Guiraudon, Erin Fielding Delaney and Galya Ruffer for their questions and thoughtful comments.

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Correspondence to Dagmar Soennecken .

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Soennecken, D. (2014). Germany and the Janus Face of Immigration Federalism: Devolution vs. Centralization. In: Baglay, S., Nakache, D. (eds) Immigration Regulation in Federal States. International Perspectives on Migration, vol 9. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8604-1_8

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