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A Historical Epistemology of Thermodynamics. The Mathematics in Sadi Carnot’s Theory

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Lazare and Sadi Carnot

Abstract

The mathematical footnote in Réflexions sur la puissance motrice du feu can be considered the highest mathematical level presented by Sadi Carnot in his book. It also represents his way of mathematically interpreting physical phenomena and the relationship between physics and mathematics in thermodynamics . Without proposing new concepts or sophisticated functions in trying to explain the modernity of the result obtained by Sadi Carnot , here we will present an historical analysis of the footnote. Moreover, strictly based on primary sources and documents, we will provide an epistemological interpretation of the arguments that Sadi Carnot used to calculate the formula of the efficiency of a heat machine ; and centring on the role of shared knowledge, of challenging objects, and of knowledge reorganization. The idea is presenting an integrated history and epistemology of scientific methods which combine epistemological and historical approaches to identify significant historical hypotheses. Such epistemological interpretations are subjected to historical facts of scientific activity and original documents in order to trace their historical development. In this case the discussion regards Carnot’s mathematical foundations, considering both the relationship between physics and mathematics and the mathematical (infinitesimal) analysis of the nineteenth century.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The research presented is based on Drago and Pisano (2000, 2005, 2007), Pisano (2001, 2012a).

  2. 2.

    Thomson read it on 30 April, 1849. The content is discussed in an Appendix by the author (Thomson [1890] 1943, p 179, line 3; see also: Id., 1852, XXXV, 1882–1911, I, pp 113–155; et al. editions).

  3. 3.

    A meaningful study on the experimental data used by Sadi Carnot is available in Fox (1988), pp 288–299.

  4. 4.

    In 1827 César–Mansuète Despretz (1798?–1863) showed the uncertainness of the Clément and Desormes law (Fox 1988, ft 26, p 301).

  5. 5.

    Laplace resumed Gay–Lussac and Welter ’s experiments in a part of his work. In particular, he properly focused on the constancy of γ (Laplace 1822, ft 18, p 268).

  6. 6.

    We let note that the manuscripts edited by Gauthier –Villars (Carnot 1878b) is not always integrally reproduced. For any complete English consulting of the Sadi Carnot’s manuscripts, please see Fox (1986).

  7. 7.

    Tait (1877).

  8. 8.

    Carnot (1943), p 6, line 27. (Author’s wording and quotation marks).

  9. 9.

    The estimate value proposed by Sadi Carnot in his Notes sur les mathématiques, la physique et autres sujets (folio 7v; see also Carnot 1878b, pp 94–95; Fox 1986, pp 191–192) for the mechanical equivalent of heat of 370 Kg/cal is not so much farther from the correct accepted value (427) than Mayer’s later determination (365). The difference is only 11%. (See below Chapter 10; Hoyer 1975; Edmunds 1902, p 127).

  10. 10.

    Robert Fox in Carnot (1986), p 2, line 9. (Author’s italic).

  11. 11.

    Truesdell (1970), Id., (1980), pp 208–235.

  12. 12.

    Hoyer in Taton (1976), pp 221–228. He showed, by using the cycles , that S. Carnot ’s caloric theory and the modern theory, coincide for an infinitesimal process: that is \( \Delta t \to 0 \). That is correct in the first and second approximation in thermodynamic theory.

  13. 13.

    We will use a modern notation in comparison to that used by Lervig .

  14. 14.

    We will also discuss in the following chapters the details proposed by Reech on Carnot’s theory.

  15. 15.

    Carnot (1978), p 73, ft 1, line 1.

  16. 16.

    Carnot (1978), p 38, line 4. (Author’s italic).

  17. 17.

    Carnot (1978), p 77, ft 1, line 1.

  18. 18.

    Ivi, p 77, ft 1, line 15.

  19. 19.

    Carnot (1978), p 78, ft 1, line 13.

  20. 20.

    Carnot (1978), p 79, line 1, op. cit.

  21. 21.

    Carnot (1943), “Foreword” [by Thurston] line 1.

  22. 22.

    Carnot (1978), p 39, line 7.

  23. 23.

    Poisson proposed another formula.

  24. 24.

    Carnot (1978), p 66, line 7.

  25. 25.

    The first law is usually formulated by saying that the change in the internal energy of a closed thermodynamic system is equal to the difference between the heat supplied to the system and the amount of work performed by the system on its surroundings.

  26. 26.

    Briefly, if a physical system received a certain amount of heat, the same amount of work has been done by the system. Thus the total variation of the internal energy after a cycle is null.

  27. 27.

    The first law of thermodynamics makes no distinction between processes that occur spontaneously and those that do not. The second law of thermodynamics establishes which processes do and which do not occur.

  28. 28.

    Pappus from Alexandria, Mathematical collections (Commandino 1565; see also: Pappus from Alexandria 1588).

  29. 29.

    Carnot (1786), pp 33–35, 85; Carnot (1813), pp 12–21, 189, 200, 242–243, 217–253.

  30. 30.

    Cfr.: Gillispie and Youschkevitch (1979), pp 251–298, § 13, p 256, ft 1, p 182.

  31. 31.

    Carnot (1832), p 1. [“Je cherche à savoir en quoi consiste le véritable esprit de l'Analyse infinitesimal” (Id., 1813, p 1, line 1)]. Let us note that the English translation of the 1832 version is differently organized in comparison to the original 1813 version. E.g., the number of paragraphs in the two versions does not correspond.

  32. 32.

    See also its English translations “[…] creatures of reason […]” (Carnot 1832, p 105, line 13).

  33. 33.

    Carnot (1832), p 34, line 6. (Id., 1813, p 37, line 15). Author’s italic.

  34. 34.

    Carnot (1832), pp 55–56, line 19. (Id., 1813, pp 65–66, line 22). Author’s italic.

  35. 35.

    Carnot (1785), § 100; see also Gillispie (1971), Appendix A, § 100, p 257, line 19.

  36. 36.

    Carnot (1832), p 10, line 1. (Id., 1813, p 12, line 4).

  37. 37.

    Carnot (1832), p 15, line 1. (Id., 1813, p 17, line 6).

  38. 38.

    Berkley ([1734] 2002), sect. XXXV, p 18, line 9.

  39. 39.

    Berkeley ’s lemma claims: “If with a View to demonstrate any Proposition, a certain Point is supposed, by virtue of which certain other Points are attained; and such supposed Point be itself afterwards destroyed or rejected by a contrary Supposition; in that case, all the other points, attained thereby and consequent thereupon, must also be destroyed and rejected, so as from thence forward to be no more supposed or applied in the Demonstration”. (Berkeley 1734, sect. XII–XIV; See also: Berkeley [1734] 2002). Let us consider the function f(x) = x 2; let us pass to the calculation of its derivative: the increment of the variable is dx (which at that time was not distinguished by \( \Delta x \)) and the increment of the function is df (or \( \Delta f \)), that is equal to: df = f(x + dx) – f(x) = (x + dx) 2– x 2= x 2+ 2xdx + dx 2– x 2= 2xdx + dx 2. The last term is then suppressed, since it is much smaller compared to the others. Dividing df by dx we obtain 2x, which is exactly the derivative the function of the function. Berkeley applied his lemma, pointing out that at the beginning of the calculation \( dx \ne 0 \) has been set; however, subsequently the calculation eliminates the infinitesimal of higher order at dx, considering it equal to zero. Therefore, either dx is zero, as stated at the end of the reasoning – but then the entire calculation is devoid of content – ; or it is not zero, as stated in the middle of the reasoning – but this goes against the aforementioned lemma. This criticism allows Berkeley to suggest an original interpretation of the efficacy of this type of calculation. At the beginning, \( dx \ne 0 \) is set and this, Berkeley claims, constitutes the first error because df as dx does not represent a specified number: nor does zero, nor a number different from zero. So there is no reason to include it in the only calculation that we know very well: elementary algebra. Continuing with the calculation, the last term is suppressed – which we know to be different from zero (otherwise we would have already eliminated it along with all of the dx) – and this clearly represents an algebraic error. Since the first result is correct, this second error cancels out the first one. (Cfr.: Drago 2007a, b; see also Parigi (2010)).

  40. 40.

    Carnot (1832), pp 14–15. (Id., 1813, pp 16–17, line 1). Author’s original wording.

  41. 41.

    Carnot (1813), “Note”, p 242, line 7.

  42. 42.

    Ivi, p 243, line 9.

  43. 43.

    Lagrange (1797, 1806). Very interesting Lazare Carnot ’s quotation on Lagrange’s Théorie des Fonctions Analytiques : Carnot (1813), p 47.

  44. 44.

    Carnot (1813), pp 30–34, line 20. (Id., 1832, pp 27–31, line 18). Author’s capital letters, wording and italics. Please note that the use of wording, italic and quotations marks by the author (or publisher) are not the same in the two (1813 and 1832) editions cited.

  45. 45.

    Please refer to Lazare Carnot ’s quotations. The wording seems identical.

  46. 46.

    Carnot (1832), pp 17–18, line 21. (Id., 1813, p 20, line 1). Author’s italics and capital letters.

  47. 47.

    Carnot (1832), p 19, line 13 (Id., 1813, p 21, line 25). Author’s capital letters.

  48. 48.

    Carnot (1813), p 252, line 18.

  49. 49.

    Carnot (1978), p 10, line 2.

  50. 50.

    Ivi, p 25, line 7.

  51. 51.

    Ivi, 18, ft 1, line 1.

  52. 52.

    Carnot (1978), pp 39–40.

  53. 53.

    Ivi, pp 29–38.

  54. 54.

    Martin J. Klein in Taton (1976), p 214, line 17.

  55. 55.

    Very briefly we mention the ancient Moscow Mathematical Papyrus (also called the Golenischev Mathematical Papyrus at Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts in Moscow), where it remains today demonstrating knowledge of a formula for the volume of a pyramidal frustum. Greek Eudoxus (ca. 370 BC), for areas and volumes by breaking them up into an infinite number of shapes for which the area or volume was known. Further advancements were made in the early seventeenth century by Isaac Barrow (1630–1677) and by Torricelli (Pisano and Capecchi 2010; Capecchi and Pisano 2010a) who provided hints of a connection between integration and differentiation. One of the first Barrow proofs of the fundamental theorem of calculus was provided by Barrow and it is known that Wallis generalized Cavalieri ’s method (Cavalieri 1635).

  56. 56.

    Nevertheless, we agree with the current secondary literature of the history of mathematics that a major advance in integration appeared in ca. the seventeenth century: an independent discovery of the fundamental theorem of calculus by Newton and Leibniz . Here, a strictly connection between integration and differentiation was proposed. Of course, for our aim, and equal in historical importance, is the comprehensive mathematical framework that both Newton and Leibniz developed, since we mainly take in account mathematical analysis calculus in the history until XIX century.

  57. 57.

    On the first page of the manuscript presented by Hippolyte Carnot to the Académie des sciences on 16 December 1878, one can see (Carnot 1878a, folio 1) Sadi Carnot avoided the ancient use of the word “feu” (fire) in his book (see details Chapters 6 and 7 above). Nevertheless something remained in the book, e.g.: “[…] machine à vapeur de la machine à feu en général […]”. (Carnot 1978, p 8, ft 1, line 1).

  58. 58.

    Carnot (1978), p 8, ft 1, line 1.

  59. 59.

    Robert Fox in Carnot (1986), p 147, En. 78, line 1. (Authors’ quotations).

  60. 60.

    Carnot (1978), p 66, line 10.

  61. 61.

    Martin J. Klein in Taton (1976), p 214, line 19.

  62. 62.

    Einstein (1949 [1970]) vol. VII, p 33; also quoted in: Klein (1967), pp 509–516.

  63. 63.

    Galileo (18901909), II, pp 147–191. For a recent review of Le Mecaniche see Romano Gatto ’s work (Galileo 2002) and, of course indispensable Stillmann Drake’ works on the Galileo (e.g., Drake 1973, 1985, 2000; Drake and Drabkin (1969)). See also an interesting French version, of the les mécaniques de Galilée by Egidio Festa and Sophie Roux (forthcoming). In regard to Le Meccaniche, Gatto comments both versione breve (4 manuscripts, Galileo 2002, pp 3–42) that versione lunga (14 manuscripts, Ivi, pp 43–154). The manuscript edited by Antonio Favaro (1847–1922) in Opere nazionali di Galileo Galilei is the versione lunga. It is composed of 10 manuscripts at his time known (Galileo 18901909, II, 155–190). In the versione lunga one can see the effort cited in the running text. For recent works concerning Galilei’s method and his mathematical approach one can consult: Pisano (2008, 2009a, b, c; Pisano and Bussotti (2012)).

  64. 64.

    Galileo (18901909), VIII, pp 39–448; see also Galileo (1954).

  65. 65.

    [available via http://www.maths.tcd.ie/pub/HistMath/People/Berkeley /Analyst]

  66. 66.

    [also available in .pdf via: http://www.brera.unimi.it/sisfa/atti/index.html]

  67. 67.

    The manuscript Notes sur les mathématiques, la physique et autres sujets is also conserved at Archives of the Académie des Science–Institut de France, Paris. Thus, we used “Carnot S 1878a” to cite both of the two original manuscripts studied. The difference in the running text is presented by the titles of the two manuscripts. We let note that the manuscripts edited by Gauthier –Villars (Carnot 1878b) are not always integrally reproduced. For any complete consulting of the Sadi Carnot’s manuscripts, please see Fox (1986).

  68. 68.

    [also available in .pdf via: http://www.brera.unimi.it/sisfa/atti/index.html]

  69. 69.

    [available in .pdf via: International Galilean Bibliography , Istituto e Museo di Storia delle Scienze. Firenze: http://biblioteca.imss.fi.it/]

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Gillispie, C.C., Pisano, R. (2014). A Historical Epistemology of Thermodynamics. The Mathematics in Sadi Carnot’s Theory. In: Lazare and Sadi Carnot. History of Mechanism and Machine Science, vol 19. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8011-7_9

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