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Equivocations and New Meanings

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The Invention of Free Press

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Abstract

The abbé Gabriel-François Coyer was an outstanding and unconventional figure in the Enlightenment debate on politics and economics in the second half of the eighteenth century. In 1756 he published a vigorous appeal to the nobility to take the lead in the modernization of French society by eliminating the ban on nobles engaging in commercial activity. If the French nobility were to embrace trade, the Bourbon monarchy would be more able to compete successfully with England and the United Provinces. When the conservative nobleman d’Arq published a polemical rejoinder, in which he argued for the excellence of the “military nobility”, Coyer replied in a typically polemical vein. He reviewed the course of French history in its entirety and made explicit what had been merely implied in his previous work. Coyer sketched a vision of society; republican, anti-feudal and fundamentally egalitarian, in which the divide between the two basic constituents of society was clearly delineated. The producers were juxtaposed to the parasites, who included “the regular and secular clergy, professional soldiers, lawyers, financiers, rentiers, domestic servants, beggars, layabouts and grands seigneurs”.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See Maza 1997: 204– 5; Smith 2005: 104–42.

  2. 2.

    On Coyer 1768 see Serna 1997: 60–1; Hanley 2002: 569.

  3. 3.

    Coyer 1775. Vol. 2: 190–2. Capperronnier approved Coyer’s manuscript on 6 January 1775. Coyer’s description of the book trade in Rome matches the findings of Tarzia 2000. According to Tarzia, Bouchard and Gravier offered a wide choice of French books forbidden by the Roman Inquisition (Montesquieu and Voltaire among the others) until the early 1770s, when control was tightened over bookshops (71).

  4. 4.

    Alessandro Verri to Pietro Verri, Rome, 10 November 1770 (Carteggio di Pietro e di Alessandro Verri 1923. Vol. 4: 63–4). A similar attitude was expressed when he learned that d’Holbach gave up publishing an atheistic treatise “because he does not want to sacrifice himself: and he is right” (Viaggio a Parigi e Londra 1776–1767 1980: 120).

  5. 5.

    See Rebellato 2008b: 186–230. On Sollicita ac provida promulgated in 1753 see Paarhammer 1985. Ecclesiastical control in Italy was becoming weak: see Delpiano 2007; Imbruglia 2005–2006; Imbruglia 2011. See also Davidson 2000 (pointing out that Italian state censorship was usually lax).

  6. 6.

    Venturi 1969: 711.

  7. 7.

    Bologna, Biblioteca dell’Archiginnasio MS. B. 1876, Copialettere dell’inquisitore di Bologna, quoted in Shackleton 1988: 417–8.

  8. 8.

    See Landi 2000; Landi 2011a; Infelise 1989: 62–131; “Navigare nei mari dell’umano sapere” 2008. For an overview see Isabella 2007; Tortarolo 2003. Censura e censori: tra antichi Stati italiani e tedeschi. Questioni storiografiche dei primi anni Novanta: 176–91; Braida 2010.

  9. 9.

    Giannone 1841. Vol. 1: 88. For a further explanation on this passage see Ricuperati 2001: 20–1.

  10. 10.

    For an overview see Robertson, John 2005: 106–9; Editoria e cultura a Napoli; Napoli. 2002: 63–71; Sabato 2007.

  11. 11.

    Timpanaro Morelli 1999; Landi 2000. An insider’s view on the functioning of censorship in Florence is provided by the diary (Efemeridi) kept by Pelli Bencivenni, who was charged with the control of semi-legal publications (http://www.bncf.firenze.sbn.it/pelli/it/progetto.html). See for example the entry on 8 August 1775 on the manuscript of a biography of the Pope Clement XIV . According to Pelli Bencivenni, it turned out to be in fact an anti-Jesuit pamphlet. Pelli Bencivenni argued against its publication (Series 2, Vol. 2: 500, 8 August 1775). See Capecchi 2006.

  12. 12.

    Pasta 1997: 32, mentions the “partial divergence” between the Tuscan government and the local printers; Pasta 2005.

  13. 13.

    On Sperges and Kaunitz , see Szábo 1994: 51–64.

  14. 14.

    See Capra 2002: 184, 302, 541.

  15. 15.

    Francioni 1993: cxxviii–cxlv.

  16. 16.

    Verri 1771: 248–9. See Capra 2002, 381. Pietro Verri’s brother, Alessandro, considered England to exemplify the positive effects of freedom of the press (Viaggio a Parigi e Londra 1980: 292, letter to Pietro Verri from London, 2 February 1767).

  17. 17.

    Frisi 1958: 327.

  18. 18.

    Tarchetti 1987.

  19. 19.

    Pilati 1767: 221. See Luzzi 2005.

  20. 20.

    Amidei 1980: 247.

  21. 21.

    See Szábo 1994: 186–7; Beales 2005: 214–7; Klingenstein 1970.

  22. 22.

    16 June 1768, in Maaß 1951–1961. Vol. 1: 299–302, 301. On the establishment of the Real Mesa Censoria on 5 Aprile 1768 see Esteves Payan Martins 2005: 58–75; Maxwell 1995: 92–3.

  23. 23.

    Maaß 1951–1961. Vol. 1: 381.

  24. 24.

    Venturi 1976.

  25. 25.

    See Delpiano 2007: 213–89.

  26. 26.

    Bernard 1979: 58–9.

  27. 27.

    Der Josephinismus 1995: 216.

  28. 28.

    See Bodi 1977; Wangermann 2004: 150–84; Beales 2009: 89–99, has a detailed description of the 1781 Edict of Toleration which also highlights its limitations; Jürs-Munby 2007.

  29. 29.

    Briefe über den gegenwärtigen Zustand der Litteratur und des Buchhandels in Oesterreich, [Wien?] 1788, 28, as cited in Wolf 2007: 321–2.

  30. 30.

    Justi1760. Vorrede and Die Beschaffenheit und Verfassung der Republik der Gelehrten. Vol. 1, no page number and Vol. 2: 341–74. See the insightful discussion of the heterodox elements in the German Republic of Letters in Mulsow 2007.

  31. 31.

    Justi. 1760. Die Beschaffenheit und Verfassung der Republik der Gelehrten. Vol 2: 343.

  32. 32.

    Einsenhardt 1970; Schneider 1966; Plachta 1993.

  33. 33.

    Wie weit geht das Recht eines Reichs-Fiscals in Ansehung der Bücher-Censur? 1757: 13.

  34. 34.

    See Molitor 1982.

  35. 35.

    Schmidt and Mehring 1795.

  36. 36.

    Acta Borussica 1892–1936. Vol. 7: 408–9; Vol. 8: 403–5; Vol. 10: 315; Vol. 11: 518 and 522, footnote 1.

  37. 37.

    Edict wegen der wieder hergestellten Censur 1749.

  38. 38.

    Briefe der Schweizer Bodmer, Sulzer, Geßner 1804: 79.

  39. 39.

    SzBPK, Nachlaß Formey.

  40. 40.

    GStA PK, I, HA Rep. 9, F2a, Fasc. 10.

  41. 41.

    Beausobre 1754.

  42. 42.

    Beausobre 1764.

  43. 43.

    Lessing to Nicolai , 25 August, 1769 (Lessing 1983: 186–7).

  44. 44.

    GStA PK, I, HA, Rep. 9, F2a, Fasc. 12.

  45. 45.

    GStA PK, I, HA, Rep. 9, F2a, Fasc. 1.

  46. 46.

    GStA PK, I, HA, Rep. 9, F2a, Fasc. 12.

  47. 47.

    See the list of the forbidden books in Darnton 1991.

  48. 48.

    Mouffle d’Argenville 1781 See Schlüter to Nicolai, 13 November 1780, SzBPK Nachlaß Nicolai, 87.

  49. 49.

    See Journal littéraire 7 (1773): 216–22 and Der Preußische Staat: 127.

  50. 50.

    GStA PK, I, HA, Rep. 9, F2a, Fasc. 14.

  51. 51.

    Dohm to Nicolai, 11 May 1780, SzBPK, Nachlaß Nicolai, 15.

  52. 52.

    GStA PK, I, HA, Rep. 9, F2a, Fasc. 14. The role of the Generalfiscale in the Prussian bureaucracy is stressed in the seminal work by Rosenberg 1958; Johnson 1975: 121.

  53. 53.

    See Hellmuth 2002; Stöber 2012.

  54. 54.

    Allgemeine Deutsche Bibliothek 24 (1775): 296–301.

  55. 55.

    Moser 1772: 110.

  56. 56.

    Feder 1784.

  57. 57.

    Berlinische Monatsschrift April 1784: 312–30.

  58. 58.

    Bahrdt 1787.

  59. 59.

    GStA PK, I, HA, Rep. 9, F2a, Fasc. 15.

  60. 60.

    3 December (n. 49) 1785: 353.

  61. 61.

    See Bibliothek für Denker und Männer von Geschmack 7 (1783): 568.

  62. 62.

    GStA PK, I, HA, Rep. 9, F2a, Fasz. 18. See Hoppe 1989.

  63. 63.

    See Laveaux 1785.

  64. 64.

    Reichelt 1995; Mulsow 1998: 263–4.

  65. 65.

    Arnim 1788. See Johnson 1975: 263–4.

  66. 66.

    See Militärische Monatsschrift 1785.

  67. 67.

    Svarez 1960.

  68. 68.

    See Hunter 2005; Sauter 2009.

  69. 69.

    See Kapp 1879: 200.

  70. 70.

    Laursen 2005; Skunke 2011.

  71. 71.

    Laursen 2000; Glebe-Møller 2011; Munck 1998.

  72. 72.

    Luzac 1749. See Velema 1993: 15–22; Early French and German Defenses of Freedom of the Press.

  73. 73.

    See Tortarolo 2007. Johann Conrad Franz von Hatzfeld was a Wollfian and anti-Newtonian German déraciné.

  74. 74.

    Marmontel 1994.

  75. 75.

    As cited in Velema 2003: 27. See van Eijnatten 2004: 96. Town governments were particularly active in suppressing books considered to be dangerous: see Huussen 1987.

  76. 76.

    Popkin 1989: 140.

  77. 77.

    Raynal 1788. Vol. 5: 93.

  78. 78.

    Raynal 1788. Vol. 10: 63. The original French expression is “la liberté indefinie de la presse” (Raynal 1781.Vol. 10: 67) to mean the abolition of any form of preventative censorship.

  79. 79.

    Schillers Werke 1956. Vol. 25: 43, letter to Crusius , from Weimar, 17 April 1788.

  80. 80.

    Echeverria 1957; Venturi 1979: 442–3; Venturi 1984: 3–145; Dippel 1977; Potofsky 2002.

  81. 81.

    See Federalist, no. 84: “What is the liberty of the press? Who can give it any definition which would not leave the utmost latitude for evasion? I hold it to be impracticable; and from this I infer, that its security, whatever fine declarations may be inserted in any constitution respecting it, must altogether depend on public opinion, and on the general spirit of the people and of the government” (The Federalist 2000: 500).

  82. 82.

    See Gunn 1995.

  83. 83.

    For an overview see Tortarolo 1997.

  84. 84.

    Filangieri 2004. Vol. 5: 360. See Ferrone 2003: 59, 65, 145.

  85. 85.

    Filangieri 2004. Vol. 4: 294.

  86. 86.

    In French: Mirabeau 1787: 35–6. In English: Mirabeau 1789. Vol. 1: 355–7.

  87. 87.

    A detailed study of the “contradictory goals and shifting strategies” in repressing oppositional literature in 1787–1789 and especially on Mirabeau’s role is Luckett 2011.

  88. 88.

    Shapiro and Markoff 1998: 380–1; Walton 2006.

  89. 89.

    Gruder 2007: 94.

  90. 90.

    Malesherbes 1994: 221, 302.

  91. 91.

    Mirabeau 1788: 5. Mirabeau’s pamphlet was signed 5 December 1788. Mirabeau requested the Deputies to the Estates General to establish “the most inviolable, the most unlimited” freedom of the press as their first law (64).

  92. 92.

    See Bonno 1970: 185–6.

  93. 93.

    See Lettre à un censeur royal, sur la liberté de la presse 1788–1789, requesting unrestrained liberty of the press; De la liberté de la presse 1789; Besongne 1789 (Bensongne, a former printer and book trader in Rouen and Paris, advocated unlimited freedom of the press); Le pour et le contre, sur la liberté de la presse 1789.

  94. 94.

    Pour et contre sur la liberté de la Presse 1789: 10.

  95. 95.

    Pour et contre sur la liberté de la Presse 1789: 36.

  96. 96.

    Koselleck 1959 (Koselleck 1988).

  97. 97.

    Chénier 1789.

  98. 98.

    De la liberté de la presse 1789: 12, 17.

  99. 99.

    Keralio 1790a, b. See Sgard 2008. According to the periodical Révolutions de Paris, freedom of the press cannot be granted, because it is a natural right (De la liberté de la presse. Révolutions de Paris. Seconde année de la liberté française, n. 28, 29 January 1790: 17–26, 21). In a similar vein see Waudin 1790.

  100. 100.

    See L’An 1 des Droits de l’homme 1988: 182–6; Birn 1994.

  101. 101.

    See Walton 2009.

  102. 102.

    Woloch 2001: 205–13; Popkin 1986; Rowe 2003: 116–57; Albergoni 2008.

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    Edoardo Tortarolo

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Tortarolo, E. (2016). Equivocations and New Meanings. In: The Invention of Free Press. International Archives of the History of Ideas Archives internationales d'histoire des idées, vol 219. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-7346-1_5

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