Abstract
The United States and Canada are historically two of the most highly mobile populations in the world. Ever-evolving patterns of migration have continually shaped and reshaped demographic, social, and economic dynamics in North America while also being impacted by them. Over time, data describing migration patterns have grown more sophisticated, but a comprehensive theory of migration remains elusive. In this chapter, we utilize rich data from the census and supplemental national surveys to describe historical and contemporary patterns of geographic mobility in North America. In addition, we assess the interaction of the migration processes with broader social dynamics with the aim of pushing forward the theoretical frameworks for understanding geographic mobility. We argue that despite the wide recognition by migration scholars that people move for a variety of reasons, analyses of North American migration patterns have been dominated by economic explanations. In contrast, we describe how major migration and residential mobility patterns through North American history – including westward expansion, urbanization, The Great Migration, regional decentralization, and suburbanization – can be better understood by employing both economic and non-economic explanations.
Partial support for this research came from a Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development research infrastructure grant, R24 HD042828, to the Center for Studies in Demography & Ecology at the University of Washington .
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Notes
- 1.
We use the term “geographic mobility”, or simply, “mobility,” to refer to all types of moves, “migration” to refer to long-distance moves (inter-county, inter-metropolitan area, or inter-state), and “residential mobility” or “short-distance mobility” to refer to local moves (intra-county or intra-metropolitan area).
- 2.
The American Community Survey data used to calculate lifetime mobility are based on whether individuals moved in a 1-year period. Some individuals may have moved more than once in the 1-year period. Thus, a more accurate statement is that a person could expect to make one or more moves in 11.7 years of their life, rather than the actual number of moves (U.S. Census Bureau 2012a; Long 1988).
- 3.
In 1790, the date of the first census in the United State s , the population center was estimated to be located in Kent County, Maryland at 39.27500° North Latitude and 76.18667° West Longitude.
- 4.
We have included two trend lines for Whites in Fig. 19.9 – one including the state of Florida and one that excludes the state. Florida experienced patterns of net-migration during these decades that deviated from those that were typical of other southern states. Especially during the second stage of the Great Migration, 1940 through 1970, many white migrants, from the South and elsewhere, headed to Florida. Including Florida in our estimates of net migration and net migration rates understates the extent to which whites were leaving other southern states during these decades. The information for 1910 through 1940 has been drawn from Lee et al. (1957), Tables 1.11 and 1.13 for native whites and Tables 1.14 and 1.16 for non-whites. The information for 1950 through 1970 was obtained from ICPSR dataset number 8493 which includes estimates of net migration, net migration rates, and population, by race for 1950 through 1970. The latter estimates for whites refer to all whites, not just native whites.
- 5.
The housing development company Levitt and Sons built the first “Levittown” on an expanse of land 25 miles east of Manhattan. Levitt and Sons were pioneers in building homes using mass production techniques, and the first Levittown was the largest housing development ever put up by a single builder. The second major project was located near Philadelphia, in lower Bucks County, Pennsylvania. The third Levittown was built in the 1960s in Willingboro, New Jersey , within distant commuting range of Philadelphia. Levitt and Son’s housing developments were widely publicized, and soon builders in every large metropolitan area were adopting similar mass production techniques (Jackson 1985; Harris 2010).
- 6.
Data are for persons age 25–44. The comparable ratio of suburb-to-central-city movers to central-city-to-suburb movers was 1–2.7 in Montreal and 1–1.8 in Vancouver (Turcotte and Vezina 2010).
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Spring, A., Tolnay, S.E., Crowder, K. (2016). Moving for Opportunities? Changing Patterns of Migration in North America. In: White, M. (eds) International Handbook of Migration and Population Distribution. International Handbooks of Population, vol 6. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-7282-2_19
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