Skip to main content
SpringerLink
Log in

On the Origin of the Javanese Theatre

  • Chapter
Pañji, the Culture Hero

Part of the book series: Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde ((KITLV))

  • 37 Accesses

Abstract

The nature of our knowledge of the Javanese theatre is sufficiently characterized by the fact that the investigator of any problem directly or indirectly connected with this remarkable and multiform phenomenon still casts about in vain for a firm basis on which he can safely build. The literature on the dramatic art of the Javanese is, it is true, extensive enough already and, in a sense, our knowledge can indeed be called comprehensive and even accurate, but a deeper insight based on a strictly scholarly valuation of the facts does not — strictly speaking — as yet exist. We cannot expect an even more careful study of all kinds of details to be of much use to us yet. We are not yet ready for the careful corrections such as one would make to a sketchy but firmly drawn picture in which the general outlines are fixed. It is just the very first and most fundamental problems which are still to be solved. Of course, attempts have been made, by weighing up possibilities and probabilities and framing hypotheses, to open up some perspective in various directions. Hazeu’s book, in particular, is of importance in this respect. It is still valuable as a first serious attempt, which has not been substantially improved upon, to survey the phenomenon as a whole, and to create out of the chaos of facts the beginnings of order. But all theoretical discussions of the Javanese theatre still bear all too clearly the mark of the tentative and the uncertain, and leave room for wide divergence of opinion.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Log in via an institution
Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 39.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD 54.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

References

  1. For more detailed information the reader is referred to: C. Poensen,De Wajang, inMededeelingen vanwege het Nederl. Zendelinggenootschap, (Publications on behalf of the Netherlands Missionary Society) XVI (1872), X VII (1873);

    Google Scholar 

  2. Ch. te Mechelen, Een en ander over de wayang, (Something about the wayang) in Tijdschr. Bat. Gen. v. K. en W. XXV (1879);

    Google Scholar 

  3. R. M. Oetoyo,Beantwoording der vragen,gesteld door Mr. L. Serrurier,over de verschillende soorten wajangs in de afd. Batang,res. Pekalongan, (Answers to the questions asked by Mr. L. Serrurier concerning the various types of wayang in the Batang district, Pekalongan residency) inTijdschr. v. h. Binnen(. Bestuur, X (1895);

    Google Scholar 

  4. L. Serrurier,De Wajang poerwa,eene ethnologische studie (The wayang purwa, an ethnological study) (1896);

    Google Scholar 

  5. G. A. J. Hazeu,Bijdrage tot de kennis van het Javaansche tooneel (Contribution to the knowledge of the Javanese theatre) (1897);

    Google Scholar 

  6. H. H. Juynboll,Wajang këlitik oder kerutjil, inInternat. Archiv für Ethnographie X III (1900);

    Google Scholar 

  7. The same author, Das Javanische Maskenspiel (topeng), ibidem XIV (1901); G. A. J. Hazeu, Een wajang-beber-voorstelling te Jogjakarta, (A wayang beber performance at Jogyakarta) in Notulen Bat. Gen. v. K. en W. XL (1902);

    Google Scholar 

  8. R. A. Kern,De wajang-beber van Patjitan, (The wayang beber of Pachitan) inTijdschr. Bat. Gen. v. K. en W. LI (1909);

    Google Scholar 

  9. J. Kats,Het Javaansche tooneel, (The Javanese theatre) Part IWajang poerwa (1923).

    Google Scholar 

  10. Hazeu, Bijdrage (Contribution) p. 5.

    Google Scholar 

  11. Ibidem, p. 3.

    Google Scholar 

  12. Ibidem, p. 16.

    Google Scholar 

  13. Ibidem, p. 18.

    Google Scholar 

  14. Ibidem, p. 25.

    Google Scholar 

  15. Ibidem, p. 27.

    Google Scholar 

  16. Ibidem, p. 37.

    Google Scholar 

  17. Ibidem, p. 38.

    Google Scholar 

  18. Hazeu, Ibidem, p. 42.

    Google Scholar 

  19. Ibidem, p. 61.

    Google Scholar 

  20. Ibidem, p. 69.

    Google Scholar 

  21. Ibidem, p. 71.

    Google Scholar 

  22. Ibidem, pp. 91–93.

    Google Scholar 

  23. Ibidem, p. 90, Note 2.

    Google Scholar 

  24. Ibidem, p. 39, Note 1.

    Google Scholar 

  25. R. Pischel,Das altindische Schattenspiel; inSitzungsberichte der Kön. Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1906, I, pp. 482–502.

    Google Scholar 

  26. Sten Konow also, with Pischel, is inclined to attribute a very great age to the Indian shadow-play. See: Das Indische Drama (1920) pp. 4, 45, 90 (in Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde). — Ananda Coomaraswamy has since drawn our attention to another passage from which it is apparent that a performance with leather puppets must have been known in South India and Ceylon in the twelfth century. (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1930, p. 627).

    Google Scholar 

  27. Pischel himself does not go as far as that. He says (loc. cit. 504, Note 4): „Die Herkunft des siamesischen Schattenspiels vom javanischen und die Ursprünglichkeit des javanischen wird durch den Nachweis des indischen sehr in Frage gestellt“.

    Google Scholar 

  28. N. J. Krom,Hindoe-Javaansche geschiedenis (Hindu-Javanese History) (1926), p. 47.

    Google Scholar 

  29. Krom, loc. cit.

    Google Scholar 

  30. Krom does not, of course, give his speculations as something definite; before there can be any question of that, he agrees, an even more detailed investigation is necessary. See op. cit. p. 49.

    Google Scholar 

  31. Although, since Hazeu wrote, the data have perhaps become even more telling. Hazen was still of the opinion that anyway the term c h é m p a l a was Sanskrit. Since then Poerbatjaraka has tried to make his theory plausible that this term also is purely Javanese. — See his thesis Agastya in den Archipel (Agastya in the Archipelago) (1926), p. 29, Note 2.

    Google Scholar 

  32. Krom, op. cit. p. 46. Note.

    Google Scholar 

  33. See also B. Schrieke, Eenige opmerkingen over ontleening in de cultuuront7wikkeling; (Some remarks on borrowing in cultural development) in Djawa VII (1927), pp. 89–96.

    Google Scholar 

  34. C. C. Berg, Inleiding tot de studie van het Oud-Javaarsch (Introduction to the study of Old Javanese) (1928), p. 185.

    Google Scholar 

  35. If one is more specific the case is even stranger. For the content of the dramas usually shows Indian influence as openly and as clearly as possible; only the names connected with the theatrical technique are supposed to have been consistently “Javanised”.

    Google Scholar 

  36. Hazeu, Bijdrage (Contribution) p. 145.

    Google Scholar 

  37. Ibidem, p. 120.

    Google Scholar 

  38. Een en ander over de wajang (Something about the wayang); in Tijdschr. v. h. Bat. Gen. XXV (1879 p. 91.

    Google Scholar 

  39. De Pandji-roman (The Panji romance) (1922), pp. 318–321.

    Google Scholar 

  40. On the meaning of Javanese drama; in this volume, p. 3 ff.

    Google Scholar 

  41. See p. 56 ff.

    Google Scholar 

  42. Cf. Oetoyo, loc. cit. 364–369.

    Google Scholar 

  43. Hazeu, Bijdrage (Contribution) p. 97; Te Mechelen, loc. cit. p. 79; J. Kats, Wajang madya, in Djawa IV (1924), Mangkoe nagoro Hummer, pp. 42–47; Pigeaud, Alexander, Sakèndèr en Sénapati, in Djawa. VII (1927), p. 333. — For a still younger type of wayang, the wayang Du para, which dates from 1894, see Kats, loc. cit. p. 42.

    Google Scholar 

  44. See loc. cit. p. 406.

    Google Scholar 

  45. According to the Jogya tradition, P. A. Purwadiningrat, a son of Sultan Amangkubuwana III, started the langhndriya in 1876. (Pigeaud in: Programma v. h. Congres v. h. Java-Instituut, (Programme of the Congress of the Java Institute) 1926, p. 20).

    Google Scholar 

  46. Hazen, Bijdrage, p. 95. — See also: J. S. and A. Brandts Buys-v. Zijp in DIowa VI (1926), p. 93, and Pigeaud in Programma, etc. p. 17. — According to Th. Karsten, the human wayang has greatly increased in popularity in recent years. (Van pendopa naar volksschouwburg), (From Pendopo to national theatre) in Djawa I, 1921, p. 21). — Concerning a possibly even greater antiquity, and on the origin of the wayang wong in general, see: H.O.[verbeekj, De ouderdom van de wajang woneg, (The age of the wayang wong) (1927), p. 245; B. Schrieke, Wajang wong, in Djawa IX Th. Pigeaud, Wajamg-wong, ibidem, p. 7.

    Google Scholar 

  47. Poensen in Mededeelingen Zendelinggenootsch. (Publications of Society) XVII, p. 163; Serrurier, op. cit. p. 248; Hazel; Bijdrage, p. 92.

    Google Scholar 

  48. Loc. cit. p. 396.

    Google Scholar 

  49. See p. 1 of the second edition (1925).

    Google Scholar 

  50. Pischel judges quite differently; he speaks of „das Schattenspiel, das mit dem Puppenspiel aufs engste verknüpft is“. (loc. cit. p. 485).

    Google Scholar 

  51. Oetoyo, loc. cit. p. 361; Serrurier, op. cit. p. 198.

    Google Scholar 

  52. Pocnsen, op. cit. in Med. Zendelinggenootschap, XVI, p. 65; see further Oetoyo, loc. cit. pp. 391–395; Serrurier, op. cit. p. 246; Hazeu, Bijdrage, p. 90 and Note 2.

    Google Scholar 

  53. Also the fact that with the wooden puppets of the wayang kéruchil the arms are always made of leather and that the principal figures were preferably made entirely of leather points to this. — The persistent use of the screen in the puppet-show is an important phenomenon; from this, also, one obtains some idea of the importance of the kélir in the apparatus of the Javanese theatre; apparently the screen is old and essential.

    Google Scholar 

  54. See Oetoyo, loc. cit. p. 402; Juynboll inIntern. Archiv f. Ethnogr. XIV (1901), p. 41. V. de Serière alone thinks the origin of the mask-play should be sought in India.(Tijdschr. v. Ned. Indic, 1873, II, p. 5 ).

    Google Scholar 

  55. See above p. 104.

    Google Scholar 

  56. Loc. cit. p. 398.

    Google Scholar 

  57. Op. cit. p. 125, and p. 237.

    Google Scholar 

  58. See the article „Kunst (beeldende) (Art (picturial)) in the first edition of the Encyclopaedie van Nederlantdsch-Indin Volume II, p. 335.

    Google Scholar 

  59. Hazeu, Bijdrage, p. 9.

    Google Scholar 

  60. See Bijdragen Kon. Instituut Part 54 (1902), 15–172 and especially p. 41 and 102–104.

    Google Scholar 

  61. Rouffaer considered Winter’s report on the shadow-play one of the “very special” things in the manuscript; and in his own remarks in the position of the audience he believed he had drawn attention ta a simple but hitherto overlooked explanation. (loc. cit. p. 24).

    Google Scholar 

  62. See part IV, second edition, pp. 395–6.

    Google Scholar 

  63. Op. cit. p. 1. — In passing it may perhaps be observed that when Kats — and also others — writes, with Rouffaer, that the men, when they sit on the same side of the screen as the performer, see both shadows and puppets, this is incorrect; no, they see puppets. The dalang always puts the figures very close to the screen so that on that side there can really be no question of seeing the shadows images.

    Google Scholar 

  64. This was fully appreciated by Hazeu when he characterized the position of the women in front of the këlir and the men with the performer simply as “of course an old adat”, (See Bijdrage p. 45, note).

    Google Scholar 

  65. For that matter, in 1824 it was, according to Rouffaer, still the custom in “influential Surakarta”, for men and women to sit together on the side of the shadows and as early as 1872 Poensen reports, likewise from Middle Java, ( Kédiri)- the segregation of the sexes as a normal, general phenomenon which surprised him, and for which he sought in vain among the Javanese themselves for an explanation.

    Google Scholar 

  66. P. J. Veth, Java, first edition, part I (1875) p. 456.

    Google Scholar 

  67. Serrurier, op. cit. p. 199.

    Google Scholar 

  68. Oetoyo, loc. cit. p. 362.

    Google Scholar 

  69. Serrurier, op. cit. p. 200.

    Google Scholar 

  70. Med. Ned. Zend. Gen. XVII (1873), p. 146.

    Google Scholar 

  71. Ibidem, p. 149.

    Google Scholar 

  72. Loc. cit.

    Google Scholar 

  73. See G. Jacob, op. cit. p. 15, 108.

    Google Scholar 

  74. Med. Ned. Zend. Gen. XVII (1873), p. 149.

    Google Scholar 

  75. In the Arjuna-wiwaha mention is already made of walnlang (leather); and also of the Indian play we know that leather figures were used in it.

    Google Scholar 

  76. See Kats, op. cit. pp. 8–21.

    Google Scholar 

  77. Poensen, in Med. Ned. Zend. Gen. XVI (1872), p. 68.

    Google Scholar 

  78. Serrurier, op. cit. p. 248.

    Google Scholar 

  79. See Tijdschr. Bat. Gen. XXV (1879), p. 91

    Google Scholar 

  80. Oetoyo, loc. cit. pp. 378–379.

    Google Scholar 

  81. Hazeu, Oud en Nieuw uit de Javaansche letterkunde; (Old and New in Javanese literature) 1921, p. 5.

    Google Scholar 

  82. See Poensen in Med. Ned. Zend. Gen. XVI (1872), p. 67.

    Google Scholar 

  83. Poensen in Med. Ned. Zend. Gen. XVI, p. 66; Serrurier, op. cit. p. 197; Oetoyo, loc. cit. p. 388.

    Google Scholar 

  84. Hazeu, Bijdrage, p. 102, 113.T7 Ibidem, p. 114, Note 1.

    Google Scholar 

  85. Ibidem, p. 118.

    Google Scholar 

  86. Serrurier, op. cit. p. 200.

    Google Scholar 

  87. Meanwhile, how close Hazeu came at times to the view submitted here can be seen from his Bijdrage, p. 45, Note. He writes there: “…. direct contact with the shades (i.e. the spirits) themselves was reserved solely for the men (the adults, the ”tiang sepuh“); the women were only allowed to see the shadows thrown on to the kélir by the shades”.

    Google Scholar 

  88. For the origin, organization and ritual of the men’s society see: G. Davy, La foi jurée, étude sociologique du problème du contrat, la formation du lien contractuel (1922); A. Moret et G. Davy, Des clans aux empires, l’organisation sociale chez les primitifs et dans l’Orient ancien (1923); M. Mauss, Essai sur le don, forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaïques (Année sociologique, nouv. série I, 1925, p. 30 ff.); J. Ph. Duyvendak, Het Kakean-genootschap van Serais (The Kakean Society of Seran) (1926); and the literature quoted in these works.

    Google Scholar 

  89. The Warramunga, for instance, have no permanent ground for their ritual clan assemblies; here the place is chosen afresh each time, and then arranged for the purpose. — See Durkheim, Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse, (1912), p. 532.

    Google Scholar 

  90. With the Arunta this sending out of messengers takes place before the final ceremony (Engwura), but not before the preceding operations. See Spencer and Gillen, The native tribes of Central Australia (1899), p. 218, 275. — It must be borne in mind that, with this tribe, in view of the peculiar way in which the totem is acquired there, members of different totem groups are always together as a matter of course.

    Google Scholar 

  91. See A. W. Howitt,The native tribes of South-East Australia (1904) p. 518, 584, 617.

    Google Scholar 

  92. Spencer and Gillen, Native tribes, p. 220.

    Google Scholar 

  93. Ibidem, pp. 214, 274; by the same author, The Northern tribes of Central Australia (1904), p. 134 note, 356; Howitt, Native tribes, pp. 525, 526.

    Google Scholar 

  94. Howitt, Native tribes, pp. 521, 563.

    Google Scholar 

  95. Spencer and Gillen, Native tribes, p. 224; Howitt, op. cit. p. 544.

    Google Scholar 

  96. Spencer and Gillen, Native tribes, p. 277; Howitt, op. cit. p. 598.

    Google Scholar 

  97. There are a few exceptions to this rule; as for example with the Wakelbu,ra. See Howitt, op. cit. p. 607.

    Google Scholar 

  98. une organisation totémique, qui se décompose et s’efface, est susceptible de prendre un aspect protéiforme qui en rend l’observation singulièrement difficile. Toute sorte de combinaisons sont possibles dont aucune n’est rigoureusement nécessaire et qui dépendent d’une multitude de circonstances. Phratries et clans peuvent se fragmenter, se mêler, se coordonner, se subordonner les uns aux autres de mille manières“. — Durkheim, in Année sociologique, VIII (1903-’04), p. 385.

    Google Scholar 

  99. Sometimes one still sees the old division into clans continuing to exist for a time side by side with the new division into brotherhoods.

    Google Scholar 

  100. I shall leave out of consideration here the case where a men’s society entirely, or for the greater part, breaks away from the old bond and begins a new, independent existence as a “secret” (in the full sense of the word) society. Here, also, for that matter, there are again all kinds of intermediate forms.

    Google Scholar 

  101. See for instance C. G. Seligman, The Melanesians of British New Guinea (1910), p. 28 and passim. — For the Polynesian systems of classification see E. S. Graighill Handy, Polynesian Religion (Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Bulletin 34, 1927), p. 37.

    Google Scholar 

  102. „Le potlatch est le rite constant dans des confréries“. — G. Davy in: Moret et Davy, Des clams aux empires (1923), p. 123.

    Google Scholar 

  103. Of course it would be of importance to us to be informed how the members of a men’s society decide which side of their house they shall regard as “right” and “left” respectively; for that matter the whole of my preceding argument has implied that they do this standing in the house and facing the entramce. In the literature I consulted I only found two references to this; and it is most strange that these do not agree. Richard Thurnwald reports that with the tribe of the Bânaro (middle stretch of the Potter river, New Guinea) the right and left sides of the “Geisterhalle” (the division of which he connects directly with the, dualistic social organisation) are determined „vom Standpunkte eines Menschen, der beim Vordereingang die Halle betritt“ (Die Gemeinde der Banaro, 1921, p. 15). On the other hand, from the plan of the men’s house of the Motu, described by Captain Barton and shown by Seligmann on p. 64 (The Mel€snesians of British New Guinea, 1910) it appears that here the names ”right side“ and ”left side“ are given from the point of view of someone standing inside the house and facing the entrance.

    Google Scholar 

  104. In the end the women sometimes obtain full admittance to the sacred societies. See for instance Hutton Webster,Primitive secret societies (1908), p. 121, 122, 131.

    Google Scholar 

  105. Med. Ned. Zend. Gen. XVI, p. 63. — It is not improbable that in this grouping of the male spectators there is a survival of the old division of the tribe into two parts, which has now became a style. It is striking anyway that the older men sit with the wayang t é n g é n, i.e. on the higher side.

    Google Scholar 

  106. Oetoyo, loc. cit. p. 364, 367. — One can compare this, for example, with J. H. Holmes’ information on the performances the Nainau and Ipi tribes in the Gulf of Papua connect with their men’s house (e r a v o): “The fully initiated native regards his e r a v o as his alma mater: all he knows of the past history of his tribe; his knowledge of his duties and obligations to his tribe and community; his contempt and dislike for all and everything opposed to the interests of his tribe and community; in brief, all that he is he owes to his Eravo, and the teaching he received in it during his initiation will dominate his actions through life”. (Quoted in Hutton Webster,Primitive secret societies, 1908, p. 4 ).

    Google Scholar 

  107. F. E. Williams, The Pairama ceremony in the Purari Delta, Papua; in Journal of the Royal A,nthr. Inst. of Gr. Br. and Ireland; vol. LIII (1923), p. 361. — For general information concerning the population of this district one can consult: J. H. Holmes, In primitive New Guinea (1924).

    Google Scholar 

  108. See a drawing in Williams, p. 376.

    Google Scholar 

  109. See on p. 365 of Williams’ article the plan of the interior of Aida Ravi.

    Google Scholar 

  110. Carl Strehlow,Die Aranda-und Loritja-Stämr»ne in Zentral-Australien, II (1908), p. 75.

    Google Scholar 

  111. B. M. Goslings, Het antstaan van de Javaansche wajang; (The origin of the Javanese wayang) in De Indische Gids (The East Indian Guide) (1926); see pp. 20–22 of the offprint.

    Google Scholar 

  112. See J. J. L. Duyvendak,The book of Lord Shang (Diss. Leiden 1928 ), Thesis no. XI.

    Google Scholar 

  113. Loc. cit. p. 392.

    Google Scholar 

  114. A. J. H. van Leeuwen,De wajang-kiuist; (The art of the wayang) inKoloniaal Tijdschr. (1923), p. 580.

    Google Scholar 

  115. Oetoyo, loc. cit. pp. 367–369, 390.

    Google Scholar 

  116. Loc. cit. p. 366.

    Google Scholar 

  117. Intern. Archiv f. Ethnogr. XIV (1901), p. 192.

    Google Scholar 

  118. Williams, loc. cit. p. 377.

    Google Scholar 

  119. Jacob, op. cit. p. 31.

    Google Scholar 

  120. W. F. Stutterheim, Oost-Javacensche Kunst; (East Javanese art) in Djawa VII (1927) p. 177 et seq.

    Google Scholar 

  121. Cf. Oetoyo, loc. cit. p. 370.

    Google Scholar 

  122. See above, p. 120.

    Google Scholar 

  123. In passing, I would point out that it is unlikely that elsewhere the facts would put Jacob in the right. From Pischel’s treatise“Die Heimat des Puppenspiels” (1900) — in which he tries to make it appear feasible that the puppet theatre originated in The Indies and spread from there to the West — it is quite obvious from several passages that this play retained for a long time a more or lessmysterious character in Europe, and that the performers formed as it were aunion of initiates. “Die Kunst des Puppenspielers war immer mehr oder weniger eine Geheimwissenschaft” (p. 6); “Höltei lässt in seinen `Vagabunden’ den erwähnten Puppenspieler Dreher sagen, die Puppenspieler seien `eine alte Zunft, ein Ueberbleibsel aus die finstre Zeiten’. Bücher gebe es bei ihnen nicht; kein Stück sei aufgeschrieben. Bei ihnen erbe es sich vom Vater auf Sohn; einer lerne vom andern auswendig und dann trage man die ganze Geschichte im Kopfe herum. Jeder von ihnen habe einen Schwur ablegen müssen, dass er niemals eine Zeile niederschreiben wolle, damit es nicht in unrechte Hände käme, die ihnen das Brot wegnähmen” (pp. 14–15 ).

    Google Scholar 

  124. This is probably also the reason why the wayang këruchil and even a novelty like the wayang goleq so easily became popular.

    Google Scholar 

  125. See Hazeu, Een wajeng-beber-voorstellinng to Jogjakarta, in Notulen Bat. Gen. XL (1902) p. CLV; de Serière, Javasche volksspelen en vermerken (Javanese popular games and amusements), in Tijdschr. v. N. Indie, 1873, II, pp. 8, 17.

    Google Scholar 

  126. Hazeu, Een wajang-beber-voorstelling, p. CLXII.

    Google Scholar 

  127. R. A. Kern,De wajang-beber van Patjitcma; inTijdschr. Bat. Gen. LI ( 1909, p. 342.

    Google Scholar 

  128. Hazeu, ibidem, p. CLVII; Kern, loc. cit.

    Google Scholar 

  129. V. de Serière (loc. cit. p. 17) writes: “The performances, like all festivities on Java, are given in public”. — Th. Karsten makes the following observation on the ordinary stage of the topeng (viz. the péndapa): “The following qualities seem to us to be the most charactistic of the pendopo as a theatre: first and foremost the lack of any form of separation of the stage from the audience, which is directly connected with the fact that the stage cannot be shut off, even temporarily, and also that the play is visible from all sides.” (Vac pendopo naar volksschouwburg; in Djawa I, 1921, p. 23).

    Google Scholar 

  130. The italics are mine.

    Google Scholar 

  131. De Serière, loc. cit.

    Google Scholar 

  132. De Serière, loc. cit. p. 20; Serrurier, op. cit. p. 256.

    Google Scholar 

  133. In a log-book written by someone who accompanied De Erens, the Governor General, on his journey of inspection across Java in 1838, only men are referred to (see Tijdschr. v. N. Indië, 1859, I, p. 471); and Oetoyo (loc. cit. 404) also tells us that the female parts were played by boys. According to Hazeu (Bijdrage, p. 57) it does occasionally happen that women also appear; and from the description by De Serière one would assume that this occurred regularly. In the programme for the congress of the Java Institute in 1926 it is stated (p. 20); “The Jogya tradition still does not tolerate women on the stage, in contrast to the Surakarta tradition which is even in favour of this”.

    Google Scholar 

  134. Oetoyo, loc. cit. p. 404. — Poensen and De Serière do sot state that the dalang is concealed.

    Google Scholar 

  135. De Serière, loc. cit. p. 15.

    Google Scholar 

  136. See at the end of this work Plate I; and the illustrations given by Kats, op. cit. on the Plate opposite p. 24. — For that matter, slight differences can be distinguished in each type.

    Google Scholar 

  137. Kats, op. cit. p. 25.

    Google Scholar 

  138. Serrurier, op. cit. p. 245.

    Google Scholar 

  139. Poensen, in Med. Ned. Zend. Gen. XVI, (1872) p. 70.

    Google Scholar 

  140. Oetoyo, loc. cit., p. 379.

    Google Scholar 

  141. Hazeu, Een wajang-beber-voorstelling, p. CLIX.

    Google Scholar 

  142. The italics are mine.

    Google Scholar 

  143. Tijdschr. Bat. Gen. LI (1909), p. 344. — The illustrations which are added are unfortunately indistinct.

    Google Scholar 

  144. Series 360, Nos 5254–5259.

    Google Scholar 

  145. The Turkish shadow-play also has figures like the kayon, which are placed in the centre of and behind the screen before the beginning of the performance (the so-called “gösterme”). Georg Jacob (op. cit. p. 111, Note 5) has a no less convenient explanation at hand and is of the opinion that they serve to keep the waiting audience occupied. I only mention this because Goslings shared this opinion to a great extent as far as the Javanese kayon is concerned. “Originally, it seems to us, the intention was merely to provide a resting point for the eyes on a screen which otherwise remained white for a long time; in the further shaping of the object imagination was given free scope, but in the rendering of the Javanese gunungan figures all kinds of symbolic conceptions also appear to be expressed”. Het ontstaan van de Javaansche wajang (“The origin of the Javanese wayang”) in De Indische Gids, 1926, p. 7 of the offprint).

    Google Scholar 

  146. Op. cit. p. 276 et seq.

    Google Scholar 

  147. Loc. cit. p. CLIX, Note 2.

    Google Scholar 

  148. J. L. A. Brandes, Beschrijving van de ruine bij de desa Toempang, genaamd Tjandi Djago, in de residentie Pasoeroean (Description of the ruins near the desa Tumpang, called Chandi Jago, in the Pasuruan residency) (1904) p. 42. — Italics by the author.

    Google Scholar 

  149. Beschrijving van Tjandi Singasari; en de Wolkentooneelen van Panataran, (Description of Chandi Singasari; and the Cloud designs of Panataran) (1909).

    Google Scholar 

  150. Wolkentooneelen p. 50.

    Google Scholar 

  151. W. Aichele,Altjavanische Beiträge zur Geschichte des Wunschbaumes; in Festschrift Meinhof (1927), pp. 41–76. — A Dutch translation of this is to be found in Djawa VIII (1928), p. (1928), p. 28 et seq.

    Google Scholar 

  152. W. F. Stutterheim, Oost-Java en de hemelberg; (East Java and the mountain of heaven) in Djawa VI (1926), pp. 333–349.

    Google Scholar 

  153. Loc. cit. p. 339.

    Google Scholar 

  154. Loc. cit. p. 340.

    Google Scholar 

  155. For more about the kapay Tksa the reader is referred to: Kern, Verspr. Geschr. VII, p. 60; C. Otto Blagden, Kalpavrkca, in the Bijdragen No. 74 (1918), p. 615 et seq. J. Ph. Vogel, De giften van Múlavarnwn, ibidem No. 76 (1920), p. 431 et seq.

    Google Scholar 

  156. Loc. cit. p. 461.

    Google Scholar 

  157. It is repeatedly noticed how greatly investigators are struck by this symmetry and the beautiful proportions of the men’s houses. J. H. Holmes (op. cit. p. 95) writes: “The fronts of the e r a v o and r a v i were impressively symmetrical in outline….”; see also Thurnwald, Die Gemeinde der Bdnaro, p. 13; Otto Reche, Der Kaiserin-Augusta-Fluss (1913), p. 147.

    Google Scholar 

  158. Taken from: Ergebnisse. der Südsee-Expedition 1908–4910, herausgegeben von Prof. dr. G. Thilenius; Teil II, Bd. I: Otto Reche, Der Kaiserin-AugustaFluss (1913), Taf. XXIX, Fig. 2.

    Google Scholar 

  159. See the sketch on Plate III, taken from Reche’s book (Abb. 83).

    Google Scholar 

  160. See Reche, op. cit., Taf. XXXI, fig. 1.

    Google Scholar 

  161. Ibidem, p. 135; and compare Plate IV at the end of this work.

    Google Scholar 

  162. For the connection between “tribal god” and “initiation demon” see Durkheim, Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse (1912), p. 608–609.

    Google Scholar 

  163. See p. 145 and 147.

    Google Scholar 

  164. Otto Reche (op. cit. p. 148) tells us of the inhabitants of the area visited by him that they apparently also try to give a certain atmosphere to the environment of their “Zeremonialhäuser”. “Fast stets (in den grossen und reichen Ortschaften ohne Ausnahme) liegt das Zeremonialhaus etwas abseits vom Dorfe, fern vom Leben und Treiben des lauten Alltags, auf einem freien, rechteckigen, mit Rasen bedeckten Platz, der auf mindestens zwei Seiten von dichtem Busch und Reihen von Betel-und Kokospalmen begrenzt wird. — Vor dem Zeremonialhaus stand oft ein prächtiger Zierstrauch mit farbigen, roten und gelben Blättern (gelegentlich auch mit niedrigen Palmen untermischt), der sorgfältig gepflegt und mit einem dichten Zaun aus Pfählen und Bambuslatten eingehegt war”.

    Google Scholar 

  165. See the description in J. Ph. Duyvendak,Het Kakean-genootschap van Seran (1926), p. 100, 106.

    Google Scholar 

  166. W. H. Rivers, The history of Melanesian society (1904), I, p. 61 et seq., p. 87 et seq.

    Google Scholar 

  167. See Seligmann, op. cit. p. 145 et seq. and Plates XVIII and XIX.

    Google Scholar 

  168. Robert W. Williamson,The Mafulu mountain people of British New Guinea (1912). See Chapter VIII: The big feast.

    Google Scholar 

  169. See Seligmann, op. cit. p. 51, 64, 208, 210, 232–248. — On the outside of the enclosure round the Kakean house on Seran all kinds of figures are drawn: the sun, the moon, stars, snakes, birds, etc. (Duyvendak, op. cit. p. 108). In this connection there is reason to quote the following statement by Poensen on the wayang screen: “In the middle, close below the red upper edge a red half-mcon is drawn on the k é I i r, and also sometimes fixed to it separately, often with a red star on either side of it and sometimes a third below it. Sometimes the half-moon is seen alone, without stars, and sometimes neither the one nor the other”. (Meded. Ned. Zend. Gen. XVI, p. 65).

    Google Scholar 

  170. See for instance Seligmann, op. cit., p. 226.

    Google Scholar 

  171. The Turkisch g ö s t e r m e also show these fighting animals (see Georg Jacob, op. cit. p. 111, Note 5 and p. 152); an example reproduced in F. von Luschan, Das Türkische Schattenspiel (Internat. Archiv f. Ethnographie II, 1889, Plate II, fig. 9) shows a man at grips with a lion.

    Google Scholar 

  172. Brandes, T jandi Djago, p. 26, Note 1.

    Google Scholar 

  173. See H. H. Juynboll,De geschiedenis van Garoetia; (The history of Garuda) inGedenkschrift bij het 75-farig bestaanr v. h. Kon. Instituut (Memorial volume on the occasion of the 75th anniversary of the Royal Institute) (1926), pp. 156–170.

    Google Scholar 

  174. See inter alia: J. Meyer, Mythen und Sagen der Admirilitätsinsulaner, in Anthropos II (1907), p. 650, 653, 654; W. Schmidt, Grundlinien einer Vergleichung der Religionen u. Mythologien der Austronesischen Völker (1910) §§ 101, 357; J. Ph. Duyvendak, Het Kakean-genootschap van Seren (1926), p. 143, 157; J. P. B. de Josselin de Jong, De Oorsprong van den goddelijken bedrieger (The origin of the divine trickster) in Med. Kon. Akad. v. Wetensch., afd. Lett. 68, Series B No. 1 (1929), p. 16 et seq. — For the similar part played by the k a 1 a-kop (kala head) and naga in the decoration of the Hindu-Javanese temples see Stutterheim, Oost-Javaansche kunst, (East Javanese art) in Djawa VII (1927), p. 182.

    Google Scholar 

  175. On Seran the entire population is said to have originated in the Nunusaku; according to some this is a mountain, on which there is a waringin, according to others it is only a waringin. (See Duyvendak, op. cit. p. 76, 129). — For the meaning “wishing”-tree, which is attributed to the word “waringin” see Aichele, loc. cit., p. 461, Note 4.

    Google Scholar 

  176. In India the picture of the heaven-tree has become a sign of generosity and a magic means whereby blessing and abundance can be made to descend. The transition (from men’s house to a magic instrument of this kind) can still be clearly observed with one of the Naga tribes of Assam. J. H. Hutton, in his “The Sema Nagas” (1921), writes on p. 37 of that work: “The `morung’„ or young men’s house, is practically non-existent among the Semas. It is occasionally found in a miniature form not unlike a model of a Lhota morung with a carved pole in front and a projecting piece of roof above. Such a model is often built in times of scarcity, the underlying idea appparently being that the scarcity may be due to the village having neglected to conform to a custom which has been abandoned. Apitomi, in 1916, built quite a large one, but the usual pattern is so small that a man on his hands and knees might enter if he wished, but the morung could not in any sense be called a habitable house. A miniature morung of this sort is always built when a new village is made”.

    Google Scholar 

  177. It is for the same reason that at the wayang beber performance the side of the box decorated with the kala head is turned towards the spectators. See page 175.

    Google Scholar 

  178. See page 174.

    Google Scholar 

  179. De Wolkentooneelen van Panataran, p. 3*.

    Google Scholar 

  180. Ibidem, p. 35 * et seq.

    Google Scholar 

  181. W. F. Stutterheim, Oudjavaansche kunst, in Bijdragen 79 (1923), p. 323 et seq.; by the sanie author, Rama-Legenden und Rama-Reliefs in Indonesien (1925), Chap. IX; the same author, Oost-Javaansche kunst, in Djawa VII (1927), p. 177 et seq.

    Google Scholar 

  182. Rama-Legenden etc. p. 197.

    Google Scholar 

  183. Oost-Javaansche kunst, p. 184.

    Google Scholar 

  184. Rama-Legenden, pp. 194–196.

    Google Scholar 

  185. See Gedenkschrift, uitgegeven ter gelegenheid van het 75-jarig bestaan van het Kon. Instituut (1926), p. 252. — By this we do not of course deny that all sorts of magic elements appear in the religion and art of East Java; but these are in no way characteristic of the real nature of these phenomena.

    Google Scholar 

  186. See Plate V. — Fig. 1: detail of the shadow-play kayon, with figures of animals in the foliage; fig. 2: detail of the space-filling on a wayang beber picture: of leaf festoons formed from scroll patterns; fig. 3: detail of the shadow-play kayon: raksasa against a background of flower and leaf tendrils; fig. 4: representation comparable with fig. 3 on the main temple of Panataran: fig. 5: reproduction of the kayon on Chandi Jago (the kayon itself and the background show the same scroll-like pattern as basic motif).

    Google Scholar 

  187. “…. eine krause Figur, eine Art Spirale, wofür nirgends in der Natur und Welt ein Vorbild gefunden werden kann”. (Rama-Legenden, p. 192).

    Google Scholar 

  188. See: Siva and Buddha in the East Indian Archipelago, in this volume p. 65.

    Google Scholar 

  189. Oudjavaansche kunst, loc. cit., p. 334; see also: Oost-Javaamsche kunst, loc. cit., p181.

    Google Scholar 

  190. Oudjavaamsche kunst, loc. cit. p. 325.

    Google Scholar 

  191. Oost-Lavaansche kunst, loc. cit. p. 181.

    Google Scholar 

  192. Oudjavaansche kunst, loc. cit. p. 336.

    Google Scholar 

  193. Compare for instance the reproduction of the so-called Date temple of Panataran, in Stutterheim, Oost-Javaansche kunst, loc. cit., p. 183.

    Google Scholar 

  194. See for instance the Balinese door in the National Museum of Ethnology, Series 1586, No. 32, reproduced in part VII of the Catalogue (Plate IX), and in W. O. J. Nieuwenkamp,Bouwkunst van Bali (1926), Plates 32 and 33.

    Google Scholar 

  195. See p. 166 et seq. 191 Loc. cit., p. 17.

    Google Scholar 

  196. Primitive secret societies, a study in early politics and religion (1908); see pp. 8–9.

    Google Scholar 

  197. For Borneo I referred to some facts given in my: Naar aanleiding van eenige maskers van Borneo (On some masks from. Borneo) (Nederl. Indië, Oud en Nieuw, 1928, p. 35–64).

    Google Scholar 

  198. See the Foreword by Henry Balfour (pp. X—XI) to: J. P. Mills, The Ao Naggas (1926). — Cf. also S. K. Chatterji, The Foundations of civilisation in India; in Tijdschr. Bat. Gen. LXVIII (1928), pp. 65–91 and especially p. 86 onwards.

    Google Scholar 

  199. Cf. Stutterheim,Oost-Java en de heinelberg, (East Java and the mountain of heaven), loc. cit. p. 348; Pigeaud,Alexander, Sakènder en Sénapati, inDjawa VII (1927), p. 330.

    Google Scholar 

  200. Note 116.

    Google Scholar 

  201. M. Mauss, Essai sur le don, forme et raison de l’échange dans des sociétés archaiques; in Annie sociologique, nouv. série I (1925); see p. 140 ff.

    Google Scholar 

  202. Mauss, loc. cit., p. 143.

    Google Scholar 

  203. W. F. Stutterheim, Rama-Legenden und Rama-Reliefs in Indonesien (1925); see especially Chap. V, p. 103 et seq.

    Google Scholar 

  204. Cf. Stutterheim, ibidem, pp. 12, 13, 17.

    Google Scholar 

  205. F. W. K. Müller, Ming, Siamesische Schattenspielfiguren im Kgl. Museum für Völkerkunde zu Berlin; in Internat. Archiv f. Ethnogr. VII (1894), Supplement: see Plate I B, Fig. 12. — In a set of Siamese wayang puppets in the National Museum of Ethnography in Leyden there are also a few figures which, according to the description, represent “a tree on a rock”.

    Google Scholar 

  206. Even the gösterme, where this image of the two fighting animals is not found, show clearly enough the close spiritual relationship between the Turkish and Javanese shadow-plays. Among the gösterme reproduced in H. Ritter’s Karagös (1924) see especially figures 13 and 11; the first shows a massive tree around which a snake is twined; the second likewise a tree which bears, by way of fruit, young people who are being devoured by a many-headed monster.

    Google Scholar 

  207. Cf. A note on Kirtimukha: being the life-history of an Indian architectural ornament; in Rúpam (1920), p. 11 onwards.

    Google Scholar 

  208. These new data are to be found in: J. F. K. Hansen,De groep Noord-en Zuid-Pageh van de Mentawei-eilanden (The North and South Pageh group of the Mentawei Islands) inBijdragen No. 70 (1915), p. 113 et seq.; A. C. Kruyt,De Mentawaiers inTijdschr. Bat. Gen. LXII (1923), p. 1 et. seq.; by the same authorEen bezoek aan de Mentawei-eilanden (A visit to the Mentawei Islands) inTijdschr. Aardrijksk. Gen. second Series XLI (1924), p. 19 et seq.; E. M. Loeb,Mentawei social organization, inAmerican Anthropologist, new ser., 30 (1928) p. 408 onwards; by the same authorShaman and Seer, ibidem 31 (1929), p. 60 onwards; by the same author,Mentawei religious cult, inUniversity of California publications in Americ. anthropol. and ethnol., 25 (1929), p. 186 onwards; by the same authorMentawei Myths, inBijdragen 85 (1929), p. 66 onwards; P. Wirz,Het eiland Sabiroet en zijn bewoners, (The island of Sabirut and inhabitants) inNederlandsch Indic, Oud en Nieuw, XIV (1929).

    Google Scholar 

  209. Kruyt, De Mentawaiers, p28.

    Google Scholar 

  210. Kruyt, Een bezoek aan de Mentawei-eilanden, p. 34.

    Google Scholar 

  211. Loeb, Mentawei religious cult, p. 203, note 24.

    Google Scholar 

  212. Kruyt, De Mentawaiers, p. 13 onwards.

    Google Scholar 

  213. Loeb, Mentawei social organization, p. 409.

    Google Scholar 

  214. See Loeb, Mentawei religious cult, pl. 71, fig. c; Wirz, loc. cit. plate on p. 338. 212 Kruyt, De Mentawaiers, p. 73; by the same author, Een bezoek aan de Mentawei-eilariden, pp. 34–35. — When (during the great punen periods) the whole district is transformed into sacred grounds such posts are erected on all the roads leading to it.

    Google Scholar 

  215. See Plate VI, fig. 1.

    Google Scholar 

  216. Wirz, loc. cit. p. 340.

    Google Scholar 

  217. It is very strange to see Wirz remark, with reference to these ceremonies: (loc. cit. p. 248) “These customs, however, have nothing to do with totemism nor with a direct belief in souls. Nor is such a meaning attributed to the bones and skulls hung up in the u m a. They are purely hunting trophies”.

    Google Scholar 

  218. On Sabirut the married men always do this. — See Kruyt, Een bezoek etc. p. 35.

    Google Scholar 

  219. Loeb, Mentawei religious cult. p. 203, note 25.

    Google Scholar 

  220. Page 194.

    Google Scholar 

  221. In the Sunda district there is frequently no p ëndapa; there it is built on to the house for special occasions or erected as a separate little building.

    Google Scholar 

  222. See C. Poensen, Javaansche woningen en erven, (Javanese dwellings and compounds) in Meded. Nederl. Zend. Gen. XIX (1875), pp. 101–146; L. Th. Mayer, Een blik in het Javaansche volksleven (A glance at the life of the Javanese people) (1897), I, p. 49 et seq.

    Google Scholar 

  223. Cf. Plate VI, fig. 2 at the end of this work.

    Google Scholar 

  224. See also: Hazeu, De Kobongan in het Javaansche huis; in Verslag van het cerste congres vans het Oostersch Genootschap in Nederland (1921), p. 39.

    Google Scholar 

  225. Hazeu, loc. cit.

    Google Scholar 

  226. See above p. 3 et seq.

    Google Scholar 

  227. Poensen, Javaansche woningen, etc., p. 140.

    Google Scholar 

  228. The Minangkabau still indicate with the word kamponga large, exogamous, unilateral group of relations. — See v. Ossenbruggen,Verwantschcaps-en huwelijksvormen in den Indischen Archipel, inTijdschr. Aardr. Gen. Second Series, XLVII (1930), p. 219; Wilken,Verrpreide Geschr. I, p. 315.

    Google Scholar 

  229. The kainkasang show an unmistakable likeness to the very long pieces of cloth, made of fibre and likewise with ikat designs, with which some of the Dayak tribes decorate or fence off the ground for their t i w a h feast (i.e. the potlatch for the dead). See Catalogus v. h. Rijks Ethnogr. Mas. Vol. II p. 375.

    Google Scholar 

  230. J E. Jasper and Mas Pirngadie, De Inlandsche kunstssijverheid in Nederl. Indië, II: De weefkunst, (Native arts and crafts in the Netherlands East Indies, II: Textile art) p. 166 onwards. — The accuracy of the explanation given here of the ritual decoration of the Javanese house on the occasion of a performance of a mask-play is perhaps even clearer if we observe how in the country districts of Java — especially where the “complete” chief’s residence is not found — the sanie materials are still used to indicated the sacred ground at initiation ceremonies; and it is interesting to note that this decoration was apparently intended to represent a wood. In the Preanger Regencies in the Chianjur district circumcision takes place in the compound in a little house made of bamboo, without walls or roof, the columns of which are lavishly decorated with flowers and greenery; often all kinds of sweetmeats are hung on them. And this little house is called, very descriptively, këbona1as, i.e. “wood-garden”, “wild garden”. — These circumcision houses are not, or at least no longer, found at Chiamis; here the operation takes place in the open air, but occasionally the place is nevertheless fenced off with a k ainkasang. — The data we have received about this from the very isolated districts in the east of the Preanger are very important. When the day for the circumcision has been fixed all sorts of measures are taken, and the,i a division of labour is seen, which is also quite common elsewhere with the preparation of a pot latch: the women see to the collecting and the preparation of the food, the men fetch wood for the building of the house. The members of the family do not do this alone. All their relations, friends and acquaintances help them in this and are apparently obliged to do so. They are not paid; the enjoyment of the forthcoming feast is considered to be their reward for this service. For that matter, even these preparations have a festive character; amidst cheers and shouting the crowd of men goes to the woods to fetch the necessary material for the building of the b1andongan. The name of this building is characteristic of the sphere in which we find ourselves here. Forb1andongan means: “wood-felling”, “the place where trees are felled and made into beams”; this building where the guests are received, and where the performances take place, is therefore supposed to be in a clearing in the wood, and its decoration with flowers and all kinds of greenery, moreover, shows us what is intended here. The actual circumcision, however, does not take place in this b Iandongan, but in the immediate vicinity, in the ksangjineun, i.e. a place which is fenced off with kainkasang. See B. Schrieke with the collaboration of many others, Allerlei over de besnjjdenis in den Indischen Archipel, (Miscellaneous notes on circumcision in the Indian Archipelago), in Tijdschr. Bat. Gen. LX, 1921, pp. 406, 410, 417 et seq.).

    Google Scholar 

  231. See Inggris, De djalilan, in Djawa III (1923), p. 98 et seq.; J. Kats, Barong op Bali, in Djawa IV (1924), p. 140; W. Staugaard, Koeda képang, in Han.delingen van het eerste congres voor de tuai-, land - en volkenkunde van Java, p. 421 et seq.

    Google Scholar 

  232. The barongan must formerly have been part of the mask-play, or at least nave been shown with it. — See Hazeu, Bijdrage, p. 64.

    Google Scholar 

  233. Poensen, De Wajang, in Med. Ned. Zend. Gen. XVI, p. 62; by the same author, Jovaansche woningen etc. p. 138; Mayer, Een blik in het Javaansche volksleven I, p. 55; Hazen, Bijdrage, p. 44; Kats, Het Javaansche tooneel, p. 2.

    Google Scholar 

  234. Oetoyo, loc. cit., pp. 385, 390; Serrurier, op. cit. p. 250.

    Google Scholar 

  235. The word ringg it is also used as kramafrtaledeq= “dancing girl”.

    Google Scholar 

  236. Cf. Duyvendak, Het Kakean-genootschap van Seran, p. 163 onwards; Berg, Wat beteekent het woord “kabajan”? in Bijdragen 85 (1929), p. 469 et seq.; de Josselin de Jong, De oorsprong vols den goddelijken bedrieger.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Authors
  1. Dr. W. H. Rassers
    View author publications

    You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 1959 Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht

About this chapter

Cite this chapter

Rassers, W.H. (1959). On the Origin of the Javanese Theatre. In: Pañji, the Culture Hero. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-6655-5_3

Download citation

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-6655-5_3

  • Publisher Name: Springer, Dordrecht

  • Print ISBN: 978-94-017-6495-7

  • Online ISBN: 978-94-017-6655-5

  • eBook Packages: Springer Book Archive

Publish with us

Policies and ethics

Search

Navigation