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The Religious Revival

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The Peasants’ Revolt of Banten in 1888

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Abstract

One aspect of the problem raised in this study is centred on the religious background of the Banten revolt. The latter part of the 19th century was a period of religious revivalism and it is naturally interesting to inquire to what extent this stimulated the insurrectionary movement in Banten under study. The conditions prevailing in the socio-cultural environment of Banten as described in previous chapters undoubtedly prepared a fertile soil for the rise of religious revivalism. Not only were the people inveterate adherents of the Islamic religion; the disruption of traditional order and its concomitant, enduring social restlessness, favoured the increase of religious activities. As will be shown, this process contributed greatly to the acceleration of the preparations for the rebellion. In this connection it should be pointed out that religious protest movements are a product of the same social forces that sustain rebellious attitudes. The stage of development reached in the ‘eighties suggests that the religious movement strove to sanction political aspirations. One encountered political deprivation on the one hand, and traditional reaffirmation on the other.

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References

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  18. Drewes, in Djawa, Vol. VI (1926), p. 83.

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  19. The evidence consiste of the following facts: the first Sultan of Banten was called Sultan Abulmafachir Mahmud Abdulkadir; the last name refers to the founder of the Kadiriah tarekat; see Drewes and Poerbatjaraka (1938), p. 11, also H, Djajadiningrat (1913), p. 51; the latter author also mentions the name of a certain trader, Hadji Dulkadir, also known in Banten as “djuragan Kadiriah”; i.e. a Kadiriah trader; see H. Djajadiningrat (1913), p. 263. Furthermore: the wandering mystic Hamzah al-Fansuri must have visited Banten in the course of his travels, in any case his mystical teaching, the Wudjudiah, was well-known in Banten, see Drewes and Poerbatjaraka (1938), p. 12.

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  20. For an extensive account of the attitude of modernistic groups, more conversant with Western culture and receptive to Western progress, see Hourani (1962), esp. as regards the ideas expressed by Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani and Muhamad Abduh.

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  22. The conflict between the various segments of the élite in traditional Muslim society was related not so much to doctrinal matters but rather to a power struggle; see Pigeaud (MS, 1943–1945), p. 126.

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  31. The Tjilegon rebellion was to a certain extent the result of the ardent propaganda made by Hadji Abdul Karim, Hadji Ismail, and Hadji Mardjuki. See Missive of the Consul of Djeddah, dealing with the activities of H. Abdul Karim and H. Mardjuki, of Nov. 26, 1888, no. 797/19, in Vb. Jan. 11, 1889, no. 9; and of Dec. 25, 1888, no. 809/24, in Vb. Jan. 25, 1889, no. 19. Cf. Missive of Sparkler, Nov. 25, 1891, no. 700, in Vb. May 9, 1892, no. 40.

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  32. See van den Berg, in De Gids (1900), no. 4, pp. 407–410; Snouck Hurgronje, in VG Vol. IV, part 2 (1924), pp. 193–194; also his “Mekka” (1931), p. 244.

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  33. Its most prominent members were: Juneid from Batavia, a learned teacher; Chatib Achmad Sambas and his disciple-successor, H. Abdul Karim, both leaders of the Kadiriah tarekat ; Mohamad Nawawi from Banten, a specialist in legal knowledge; and Zainudin from Sumbawa, a learned teacher; see Snouck Hurgronje (1931), pp. 262–287.

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  34. For an account of the Kadiriah and the Naksibandiah tarekat, see Snouck Hurgronje, in Gobée and Adriaanse, Vol. II (1959), pp. 1203–1207, 1218; for the Satariah tarekat, op cit. pp. 1193–1200; cf. Report of the Resident of Banjumas, Jan. 12, 1889, in MR 1889, no. 41; for the Rifaiah tarekat, op. cit. pp. 1197–1199; for the Rahmaniah tarekat, see Report of the pilgrimage, 1888.

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  35. For a description of the controversy between Khalil Pasha and Sulaiman Effendi, see Snouck Hurgronje (1931), pp. 176–179; the doctrine of Sulaiman Effendi was condemned, see the circular letter concerning this condemnation, in MR 1886, no. 356.

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  36. H. Djajadiningrat (1913), pp. 50–52, 187.

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  37. Snouck Hurgronje, in Gobée and Adriaanse, Vol. II (1959), pp. 1318–1323, 1332–1335.

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  38. Snouck Hurgronje, in Gobée and Adriaanse, Vol. II (1959), p. 1334.

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  39. See de Waal, Vol. I (1876), pp. 245–246; Report of the pilgrimage, 1889; for the figures concerning pilgrimages between 1891 and 1911, see Snouck Hurgronje, in VG, Vol. IV, part 2 (1924), pp. 314–315. See also Vredenbregt, in BKI, Vol. CXVIII (1962), pp. 140–149.

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  40. Hadj akbar refers to the years when the ceremonies on the plain of Arafat, held on Dulhidjah 9, fall on a Friday. This occurred in the years 1880, 1885, and 1888; the number of pilgrims in these years was respectively 9544, 4492, and 4328; see Report of the pilgrimage, 1888; see also the advice of Snouck Hurgronje, Sept. 7, 1888, in Vb. Sept. 11, 1888, no. 44; Vredenbregt, in BKI, Vol. CVIII (1962), p. 147.

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  41. It is stated in the Report of the pilgrimage of 1889 that a considerable number of Indonesian slaves were to be found in Mecca and environment. There were also pilgrims who were put in bonds and were forced to work in coconut gardens in the island of Cocob, near Singapore, owned by As-Saggaf; see Snouck Hurgronje, in Gobée and Adriaanse, Vol. II (1959), pp. 1445–1447; for extensive reports on the As-Saggaf case, see MR 1885, nos. 67, 114, 130, 173; also Vb. Aug. 18, 1888, no. 10.

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  42. During the decade from 1879 to 1888 the minimum annual number of pilgrims from Indonesia was 4968 (in 1887), while the maximum was 13594 (in 1880) out of a total number that ranged from 25,580 to 59,659; see Report of the pilgrimage, 1888.

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  43. In 1888 the number of Bantenese pilgrims was 160, out of the total 2869 from Java and Madura, in 1889, it was 132 out of 1337; see Report of the pilgrimage, 1889. According to statistical data of 1887, there were 4073 hadjis in Banten, comprising 0.72 per cent of the population; this was the highest percentage in the whole of Java; see also Appendix IV.

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  44. See Appendix IV.

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  45. Snouck Hurgronje (1931), p. 254; for a description of the Djawah about 3 decades later, see IG (1915), no. 1, pp. 538–540.

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  46. Snouck Hurgronje (1931), p. 257.

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  47. The term “Islamic nationalism” seems paradoxical, in that the adjective “Islamic” rather refers to something cosmopolitan; viewed in this light, the religious movement dealt with here can be regarded as a kind of halfway house between nationalism and cosmopolitanism.

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  48. The Naksibandiah tarekat recruited adherents from Minangkabau, Langkat, Tjiandjur, and Banjumas; H. Abdul Karim from Banten had disciples from Bogor, Sambas, Solok, Bali, Madura, etc. See Missive of the Consul of Djeddah, Nov. 26, 1888, no. 797/19.

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  49. For instances of group affiliations within the framework of the Sufi orders, which transcend localism, see below, Chap. VI, passim.

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  50. Snouck Hurgronje (1931), p. 258.

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  51. Descriptions of santri-life in the pesantren in former centuries are to be found in Serat Tjentini (1912–1915).

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  52. See the figures given by de Waal, Vol. I (1876), p. 245, referring to hadjis who returned between 1852 and 1875. A steady increase in their number can be observed, from 438 in 1852 to 2078 in 1875, while in 1873 the number reached 3242.

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  53. See Brumund (1857), p. 27; cf. van den Berg, in TBG, Vol. XXVII (1882), p. 22.

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  54. The pesantren of Tegalsari was founded during the reign of Paku Buwono III, about the middle of the 18th century; see Brumund (1857), p. 19; also Fokkens, in TBG, Vol. XXIV (1878), pp. 318–336.

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  55. Van den Berg, in TBG, Vol. (1882), p. 22.

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  56. The four branches of religious knowledge taught in religious schools, as reported by the Regent of Pandeglang, are: Ilmu Usul, Ilmu Fakih, Ilmu Tasauf, and Ilmu Nahu; see Appendix U of the Report of the Director of the Department of Interior; for the list of literature used in such schools, see van den Berg, in TBG, Vol. XXVII (1882), p. 25. Cf. Snouck Hurgronje, in Gobée and Adriaanse, Vol. III (1965), p. 1936.

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  57. For a good description of pesantren life and education, see A. Djajadiningrat (1936), pp. 20–24; see also Brumund (1857), pp. 17–29.

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  58. In the districts of Anjer, Tjilegon, and Kramat Watu, out of 164 gurus, 67 were hadjis; see further Appendix V. It should be noted that there were various kinds of religious teachers, among whom trainers in Qur’an reading may be included; see Snouck Hurgronje, in Gobée and Adriaanse, Vol. II (1959), pp. 1162–1170.

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  59. E.g. H. Abdul Karim, H. Mardjuki, Sjech Mohamad Nawawi, Chatib Ahmad Sambas, etc., and all those mentioned under note 33. Besides the description given by Snouck Hurgronje, see also the missive of the Consul of Djeddah, of Nov. 26, 1888, no. 797/19; of Dec. 25, 1888, no. 809/24; and of Nov. 25, 1891, no. 700.

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  60. Snouck Hurgronje, in VG, Vol. IV, part 1 (1924), p. 360.

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  61. The santris constantly mocked the mannerisms, attitudes, and affectations of the civil servants. An instance of this was vividly described by A. Djajadiningrat (1936), p. 21.

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  62. Benda (1957), p. 18.

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  63. A. Djajadiningrat (1936), p. 23.

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  64. Government supervision in the post-rebellion period varied from region to region; it was carried out by testing candidate gurus, by issuing licences or permits to teach, or by requiring the registration of murids, etc. Before the revolt lists of hadjis, gurus and their murids, or at least of their numbers existed in every region; see Snouck Hurgronje, in Gobée and Adriaanse, Vol. II (1959), pp. 1149–1172. For government supervision in Banten in the post-rebellion period, see KT, VI (1917), p. 736.

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  65. Mention has also been made by the Consul of Djeddah of the name Kadiriah-Naksibandiah, referring to the form of Kadiriah tarekat which had incorporated certain practices of the Naksibandiah tarekat. See Missive of the Consul of Djeddah, Nov. 26, 1888, no. 797/19. Instances are known of people who belonged to two orders or were sjechs of two orders, e.g. of both the Kadiriah and the Naksibandiah tarekat. For these instances, see Snouck Hurgronje, in Gobée and Adriaanse, Vol. II (1959), pp. 1193, 1205, 1210, 1218; Naguib al-Attas (1963), pp. 33–35, 53.

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  66. See above, notes 13–19.

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  67. For an account of the process of becoming an adept of a tarekat, while in Mecca, see Report of the Resident of Banjumas, Jan. 12, 1889; mention is made of Mohamad Iljas of Sukaradja, and Mohamad Habib of Kebaro-ngan. See also Snouck Hurgronje (1931), pp. 273, 276.

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  68. The Rifaiah tarekat had adepts in Bogor, where it had been propagated by Raden Mohamad Sapi’i in the early 19th century; see Snouck Hurgronje, in Gobée and Adriaanse, Vol. II (1959), p. 1197; Akmaliah or Kamaliah adepts were to be found in Bandjarnegara, while those of the Halwaliah tarekat were simply mentioned in the report of the pilgrimage over the year 1888, no information was given about the location of its branches; see Report of the pilgrimage, 1888. Cf. Snouck Hurgronje’s advice of March 10, 1891, where he mentioned the Halawiah or Alawiah tarekat; Gobée and Adriaanse. Vol. II (1959), pp. 1375–1377. For an account of the Satariah tarekat in Central and East Java during the first decade of the 20th century, see Henny, in IG (1921), no. 2, pp. 809–830, 895–919; cf. Snouck Hurgronje, in Gobée and Adriaanse, Vol. III (1965), pp. 1964–1973.

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  69. The acceleration of religious sentiment and solidarity was ensured by means of one of the rituals, namely the dikir, i.e. the endless repetition of short prayers recited collectively, together with rhythmic movements of the body. For a full description of the dikir performance, see van den Berg, in TBG, Vol. XXVIII (1883), pp. 159–160; see also Archer, in JMBRAS, Vol. XV, part 2 (1937), pp. 105–107.

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  70. For an account of the bengat ceremonies, see Snouck Hurgronje, in VG, Vol. IV, part 1 (1924), p, 189; cf. Subhan (1960), pp. 88–91.

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  71. See Subhan (1960), p. 161; for an example of a Satariah-silsilah, showing the link between Abdurra’uf of Singkel and a certain Amad Saliha of Pati, see Rinkes (1909), pp. 94–97.

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  72. There are indications that Sufi orders in Malaya did not engage in political struggles and were less militant, see Naguib al-Attas (1963), passim.

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  73. As regards the development of the tarekat in West Prijangan, see Missive of the Resident of Prijangan, March 31, 1886, no. 3030 in MR 1886, no. 262; for its development in Banjumas, see Report of the Resident of Banjumas, Jan. 12, 1889, in MR 1889, no. 41; for its development in Bogor, see van den Berg, in TBG, Vol. XVIII (1883), p. 162.

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  74. See van den Berg, in TBG, Vol. XVIII (1883), p. 161; as for the membership of the lower classes in Mecca, this is mentioned in the Report of the pilgrimage, 1888. A treatise on the nature of the tarekat was written by Sajid Usman, Honorary Adviser of Arabic Affairs, in which a warning was given against false gurus, van de Wall, in TBG, Vol. XXXV (1893), pp. 223–227.

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  75. See van den Berg, in TBG, Vol. XXVIII (1883), pp. 163–164. The propaganda in that region was started by H. Abd al-Kadir from Semarang. In the ‘eighties there were 13 schools and 15 gurus, of whom 12 were in Semarang, 2 in Kendal and one in Salatiga. Notice that H. Abd al-Kadir was a disciple of the well-known Sjech Sulaiman Effendi, referred to under note 35.

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  76. Missive of the Resident of Prijangan, March 31, 1886, no. 3030. H. Musa was the father of the Regent of Lebak, R.T. Suria Nataningrat (1880–1908) ; according to the missive he belonged to the orthodox party. Sjech Umar was a scholar who was strongly backed by Holle, the Honorary Adviser for Native Affairs, see also Java Bode, Sept. 23, 1885.

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  77. Java Bode, Sept. 28, 1885.

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  78. As to rumours, many articles in the Java Bode dealt with manifestations of the so-called fanaticism; see Java Bode, Sept. 4, 7, 12, and 22, 1885; Nov. 10, 1885. For the plot in Bandung, see Java Bode, Oct. 2, 1885; also Missive of the Resident of Prijangan, Sept. 29, 1885, in MR 1885, no. 647a.

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  79. H. Musa’s youngest son was naib at Wanaradja at that time; see Missive of the Resident of Prijangan, March 31, 1886, no. 3030.

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  80. Besides these three people mentioned, the Wedana of Sukabumi was also an adept of the tarekat. It was said that even the Regent of Bandung had been persuaded to become an adherent. Missive of the Resident of Prijangan, March 31, 1886, no. 3030.

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  81. Some of its main features were the strict observance of religious duties and blind obedience to the guru; the dikir constituted the most important religious performance. See Missive of the Resident of Prijangan, Jan. 26, 1886, no. 930 in MR 1886, no. 90a; also Report of the Resident of Banjumas, Jan. 12, 1889, in MR 1889, no. 41.

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  82. Other instances of gurus tarekat playing a prominent role in political disturbances are: the Gedangan affair in 1904; the Bendungan-Barong affair in 1907; the Priaman riots, 1908; see van der Lith, in KT, Vol. VI, part 1 (1917), p, 735; Henny, in IG (1921), no. 2, pp. 899–908.

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  83. This account still held good in the half century that followed; see Report of the Adviser of Native Affairs, Aug. 21, 1921; also Pijper (1934) pp. 99, 139.

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  84. It was generally recognized that a kjai had higher status than the average hadji, see the testimony of Raden Penna, Dec. 6, 1888, in Exh. Jan. 28, 1889, no. 74. Referring to H. Makid, he stated that the hadji was already regarded as a kjai by his fellow villagers, but was not yet recognized as such in the afdeling.

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  85. Missive of the Consul of Djeddah, Nov. 26, 1888, no. 797/19; see also Snouck Hurgronje (1931), p. 276, and in Gobée and Adriaanse, Vol. III 1965), p. 1863. Sjech Ghatib Achmad al-Sambasi was a sjech of both the Kadiriah and the Naksibandiah order, see Naguib al-Attas (1963), p. 33. The combination or syncretism of elements of two different orders is of early origin and in Javanese designated by daup, which literally means marriage, see Zoetmulder (1935), pp. 147–148.

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  86. Missive of the Consul of Djeddah, Nov. 26, 1888, no. 797/19. Followers of Ghatib Sambas and of H. Abdul Karim were also to be found in Malaya; see Naguib al-Attas (1963), pp. 35, 53.

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  87. Ibidem; also Missive of the Consul of Djeddah, Dec. 25, 1888, no. 809/24.

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  88. Report of the Controller of Serang, May 19, 1889, no. 16, in MR 1889, no. 376; see also IG (1891), no. 2, p. 1149. For the idea of the restoration of the sultanate, see above, Chap. IV, passim; see also Report DDI, Appendix D.

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  89. Darmesteter presented a complete description of the Mahdi movement in the Sudan, see Darmesteter (1885); cf. a more recent work, Holt (1958). The impact of this movement in Indonesia was mentioned in Java Bode, Sept. 7, 1885; Feb. 8, 1886; also Indische Mail, March 2, 1886. Van den Berg also mentioned the distribution of Arabic newspapers as a source of information concerning events in the Muslim world, see van den Berg, in De Gids (1900), no. 4, pp. 228–269, 392–431.

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  90. Snouck Hurgronje presents the development of the Mahdi idea in VG, Vol. IV, part 2 (1924), pp. 221–307; see also Darmesteter (1885). The coming of the Mahdi was also mentioned in one of the versions of the Meccan circular letter; see van Sandick (1892), pp. 150. Cf. the copy of the circular letter in MR 1883, no. 10; also Snouck Hurgronje, in VG, Vol. I (1923), pp. 134–139.

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  91. The captured rebels gave various motives for taking part in the revolt, e.g. heavy taxation, the government’s disregard of the kjai, waging the Holy War against the infidel ruler, etc., but they did not mention the expectation of the Mahdi. See Report DDI, Appendix D and I; Appendix VIII. There are no sources which inform us that previous movements had been influenced by expectations of the coming of the Mahdi.

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  92. As regards the Javanese cultural tradition, the Mahdi idea is included in the so-called Djajabaja prophecies; see de Hollander (1848), pp. 173–183; Wiselius, in BKI, Series III, part 7 (1872), pp. 172–217; see also Schrieke (1959), pp. 81–95.

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  93. Report of the Controller of Serang, May 19, 1889, no. 16; see also IG (1891), no. 2, p. 1141.

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  94. Ibidem.

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  95. Snouck Hurgronje, in VG, Vol. IV, part 2 (1924), pp. 424–425; van Sandick (1892), p. 151; the cattle plague was mentioned as one of the tokens which evidently made a deep impression upon the believers. The terrific explosion of Mt, Krakatau in August 1883 certainly augmented the expectation of the coming of the Day of Judgment.

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  96. IG (1891), no. 2, p. 1149. It is remarkable that the typical form taken by Javanese millennial thought — the expectation of the coming of the Ratu Adil — was entirely absent.

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  97. Two versions may be pointed out: (1) the version as published by van Sandick and by Snouck Hurgronje; (2) the version as copied in the Mail report of 1883. The first was signed by Mohamad Dja’far bin Abd al-Chaliq, the second by Abdus Sarip, radja of Mecca. See MR 1883, no. 10; van Sandick (1892), pp. 143–151; Snouck Hurgronje, in VG, Vol. I (1923), pp. 134–139. For contemporary accounts of this aspect of the religious movement, see De Locomotief, July 1, 1884; also IG (1884), no. 2, pp. 739–744.

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  98. See MR 1883, no. 10; van Sandick (1892), p. 143–151; Snouck Hurgronje, in VG, Vol, I (1923), pp. 139–744.

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  99. Ibidem.

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  100. Van Sandick (1892), p. 143; Snouck Hurgronje, in VG, Vol. I (1923), p. 133.

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  101. Secret missive of the Resident of Banten, Dec. 18, 1883, La RI in MR 1883, no. 1173. According to the interpretation of the Regent of Pandeglang, the pamphlet originated from sjechs in Batavia, who attempted to awaken people’s interest in the pilgrimage.

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  102. See above, Chap. II, pp. 66, 67.

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  103. The circular letter was detected about 3 months after the eruption of Mt. Krakatau on 23 August 1883. The first attempt to murder a European occurred only one month later.

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  104. Missive of the Resident of Banten, Dec. 26, 1883, La UI in MR 1884, no. 8.

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  105. For an extensive study of the Holy War in Islam, see Obbink (1901) ; also Veth, in TNI (1870), no. 1, pp. 167–177.

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  106. A. Djajadiningrat (1936), p. 23.

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  107. Ibidem; the santris not only charged the prijajis with maltreating them but also accused them of general moral delinquency. The prijajis were labelled kafir indanas, i.e. nominal Muslims, although compared with their fellow-prijajis in Central Java, the Bantenese prijajis showed more rigidity and strictness in observing their religious duties.

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  108. Missive of the Consul of Djeddah, Dec. 25, 1888, no. 809/24; IG (1891), no. 2, p. 1139.

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  109. These wandering religious men had great prestige, not only because the name of Mecca was holy in the eyes of the Muslims, but also because they were members of the Turkish order of knighthood or were reputed as learned men. Occasionally they sold amulets, holy water from Mecca, etc. Their visits to sultans, princes, and other native chiefs resulted in the establishment of relations with Mecca, threatening the prestige of the Dutch government. Missive of the Resident of Surabaja, July 31, 1885, in MR 1885, no. 148; Missive of the Resident of Banjumas, Jan, 18, 1886, no. 1/4 in MR 1886, no. 41; Missive of the Resident of Batavia, Feb. 28, 1886, in MR 1886, no. 148.

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  110. E.g. Sajid Abdallah, who successively visited Singapore, Pontianak, Riouw, Kutai, Batavia, and Surabaja; see Snouck Hurgronje, in Gobée and Adriaanse, Vol. II (1959), pp. 1600–1608.

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  111. Missive of the Resident of Semarang, July 7, 1885, in MR 1885, no. 148, and Missive of the Resident of Surabaja, July 31, 1885.

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  112. Snouck Hurgronje (1931), p. 258; a well-known fatwa is that which condemned the doctrines of Sulaiman Effendi; see Missive of Holle, May 19, 1886, in MR 1886, no. 356. For the text of the fatwa, see further MR 1886, no. 356.

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  113. Missive of the Resident of Banten, March 2, 1889, no. 443, in MR 1889, no. 183.

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  114. Van Sandick (1892), pp. 126–129.

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  115. Missive of the Military Commander of the first division to the Commander of the Army, Nov. 27, 1883, no. 958/764, in MR 1883, no. 1113.

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  116. Missive of the Resident of Banten to the Military Commander at Serang, Nov. 26, 1883, no. 8857/18, in MR 1883, no. 1113.

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  117. The information was given in the sensational article by Brunner, in Java Bode, Sept. 28, 1885; see above under note 78.

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  118. See above under note 88, 91.

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  119. The well-known supernatural powers of the Wali included the ability to traverse long distances in moments, to walk on the surface of water, to fly in the air, and to predict future events. For a description of the characteristics of saints, see Subhan (1960), pp. 111–112. Every region in Java has its saints; in Banten it is Hadji Mangsur, see Sedjarah Hadji Mangsur (MS). For the hagiography of other saints in Java, see Rinkes, in TBG, Vol. LII (1910), pp. 556–589; Vol. LIII (1911), pp. 17–56, 269–300, 435–581; Vol. LIV (1912), pp. 13–206; Vol. LV (1913), pp. 1–200.

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  120. See above under note 82.

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  121. A. Djajadiningrat (1936), p. 19.

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  122. For the distinction between charismatic, traditional and legal-rational authority, see Max Weber’s theory in Bendix (1962), pp. 298–416.

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    Sartono Kartodirdjo

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Kartodirdjo, S., Wertheim, W.F. (1966). The Religious Revival. In: The Peasants’ Revolt of Banten in 1888. Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, vol 50. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-6357-8_5

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