Abstract
During recent decades, scientific activity in the Spanish Enlightenment has attracted the attention of many historians of science. The policies of enlightened governments have been regarded as an important step in the process of modernisation of eighteenth-century Spanish society. At the beginning of that century, a new Bourbon dynasty was established in Spain and its policies have been regarded — mainly by conservative historians — as an attempt to introduce “foreign” ideas and practices into Spain. These policies have also been considered as a major effort to “modernise” a supposedly traditionalist country isolated from the rest of Europe and under the control of the powerful Catholic Church. Due to this caricatured image, enlightened Spanish governments have been very appealing for a group of politicians and historians who actively participated in the recent so-called “Spanish transition” from dictatorship to democracy, as they considered themselves engaged in a process of modernisation very similar to that initiated by their eighteenth-century forerunners. This trend reached its apex during the commemorations of the bicentennial of Carlos III, the most outstanding representative of Spanish enlightened despotism. One of the most important parts of the so-called modernisation process, then and now, was science. According to this view, the isolated Spain scarcely participated in the Scientific Revolution of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and enlightened governments tried to solve this problem by implementing three main policies: (a) Reforming the recalcitrant universities, which were anchored in old scholastic ways of teaching, or, to avoid opposition, founding new scientific establishments in which new science could be taught and cultivated; (b) Appointing foreign scientists in some of the new institutions, so that they could introduce new ideas into Spain and train disciples; (c) Sending young students — pensionados l— abroad in order to improve their scientific background in the most famous European academic centres. Scientific trips are therefore considered a key part of Spanish enlightened policies and are mentioned in almost every study concerning eighteenth-century Spanish science.2
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Notes
For an introduction to the history of science during the Spanish Enlightenment, see M. Selles; J.L. Peset; A. Lafuente, Carlos III y la ciencia de la Ilustración (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1987), and J. Fernandez Pérez; I. Gonzalez Tascón, eds., Ciencia, técnica y estado en la España Ilustrada (Zaragoza: MEC, 1990). About scientific trips, see A. Lafuente, “Las políticas y los métodos de internacionalización de la ciencia espanola durante el siglo XVIII,” Revista de Occidente (1988), 229–42; M. Valera; M. López Sanchez; C. López Fernandez, “Científicos espanoles en el Reino Unido (1750–1830),” Asclepio, 50 (1) (1998), 49–68, and A. García Belmar; J.R. Bertomeu Sanchez, “Viajes a Francia para el estudio de la química, 1770–1833,” Asclepio,53 (1) (2001), 95–135.
For a discussion of some images related to the chemical revolution, see B. Bensaude-Vincent, ‘Between History and Memory: Centennial and Bicentennial Images of Lavoisier,“ Isis, 87 (1996), 481–499. A survey of recent trends in A. Donovan (ed), ”The Chemical Revolution: Essays in Reinterpretation,“ Osiris, 4 (1988), 1–236 and P. Bret, ”Trois décennies d’études lavoisiennes. Supplément aux bibliographies de Duveen,“ Revue d’histoire des sciences, 48 (1/2) (1995), 169–197.
On the chemical revolution in Spain, see R. Gago’s works, which include references to former historical research by Spanish “chemist-historians” such as Bonet i Bonfill, Rodriguez Carracido and Moles Ormella. See R. Gago, “La ensenanza de la química en Madrid a fmales del siglo XVIII,” Dynamis, 4 (1984), 277–300; id. “The New Chemistry in Spain,” Osiris, 4 (1988), 169–192 and id. “Cultivo y ensenanza de la química en la Espana de principios del siglo XIX.” In: J.M. Sanchez Ron, ed., Ciencia y sociedad en Espana (Madrid: El Arquero, 1988), pp. 129–143.
F.L. Holmes, Eighteenth Century Chemistry as an Investigative Enterprise (Berkeley: University of California, 1989).
B. Bensaude-Vincent,; F. Abbri, Lavoisier in the European Context. Negotiating a New Language for Chemistry (Canton: Watson Publishing International, 1995).
K. Hufbauer, The formation of the German chemical community,1720–1795 (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1982); F. Abbri, “Chemistry turned outside down: Aspects of the Italian debate on Lavoisier’s theory.” In: F. Abbri; F. Crispini (eds.), Atti del III° Convegno Nazionale di Storia e Fondamenti della Chimica (Cosenza: Brenner, 1991), 101–111; and M. Beretta, “Gli scienziati italiani e la rivoluzione chimica,” Nuncius, 4 (2) (1989), 119–146.
Good examples are papers such as H. Guerlac, “The Continental Reputation of Stephan Hales”, Archives Internationales d’Histoire des Sciences, 4 (1951), 393–404. These and other works have paid attention to travellers such as Jo-do Jacinto de Magalhâes (17221790). See I. Malaquias; M. Fernandes Thomaz, “Scientific Communication in the 18th century: The case of John Hyacinth de Magellan,” Physis, 31 (1994), 817–834.
One of the most studied cases is that of Martinus van Marum, who established several contacts with a number of Parisian scientists, and especially Lavoisier, during his trip in 1785. See T.H. Levere, “Martinus Van Marum (1750–1837): The introduction of Lavoisier’s Chemistry into the Low Countries,” Janus, 53 (1966), 115–134 and H.A.M. Snelders, “The New Chemistry in Netherlands,” Osiris, 4 (1988), 121–146. For other studies showing the role of individual travels in the transmission of the chemical revolution see, for instance, A. Lundgren, “The New Chemistry in Sweden,” Osiris, 4 (1988), 146–169, in which the travels of Pehr Afzelius, co-author of the Swedish translation of the new nomenclature, are studied. See also A.S. Jacobsen, “A.W. Hauch’s Role in the Introduction of Antiphlogistic Chemistry into Denmark,” Ambix, 47 (2) (2000), 71–95.
Due to the similarities with our study, studies on Portuguese “estrangeirados” are particularly valuable for a comparative view. See A. Simoes; A. Cameiro; M.P. Diogo, “Constructing knowledge: Eighteenth-century Portugal and the new sciences,” in K. Gavroglu (ed.) Sciences in the European periphery during the Enlightenment (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1999), 1–40; M.P. Diogo; A. Carneiro; A. Simóes, “Sources for the History of Science in Portugal: one possible option,” Cronos, 3 (1) (2000), 115–141, and other papers quoted therein. See also their chapter on this volume.
For a detailed description of the sources and methodology, see A. García Belmar, op. cit. (2).
All graphs have been made using available biographical information from different sources. In order to avoid possible bias in Graph I, II and III, authors with only archival information have been excluded. For the case of trips around different places, each country visited has been individually considered.
H. Guerlac, Lavoisier - The crucial Year. The Background and Origin of his First Experiments on Combustion, in 1772 (Ithaca, Cornell University Press: 1961) and F.L. Holmes, Antoine Lavoisier - The Next Crucial Year (Princeton: Univ. Press, 1997).
See C.E. Perrin, “The Triumph of the Antiphlogistians,“ in The Analytic Spirit. Essays in the History of Science in Honor of Henry Guerlac (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1981), pp. 40–64 and B. Bensaude-Vincent, Lavoisier. Mémoires d’une révolution (Paris: Flammarion, 1993).
AHN, Consejos, file 1289. Letter by the Conde de Floridablanca addressed to the Consejo de Castilla. “El Rey ha determinado que ninguno de sus vasallos salga a educarse a países extranjeros sin motivo ni permiso de S.M.”
On these subjects, see M.S. Oliver, Los espaiioles en la revolución francesa (Madrid: Renacimiento, 1914); R. Herr., Espana y la revolución del siglo XVIII (Madrid: Aguilar, 1988); J.R. Aymes, ed., Espafia y la revolución francesa (Barcelona: Critica, 1989) and J.R. Aymes, “Espanoles en Francia (1789–1823): Contactos ideológicos a través de la deportación y el exilio,” Trienio, 10 (1987), 3–26.
The afrancesados were a small but influential group of Spaniards who collaborated with José Bonaparte’s government. They attempted to adapt many French scientific institutions to the Spanish context and, in some cases, they developed old Enlightened projects. On these projects see J.R. Bertomeu Sanchez, La actividad científica en Espana bajo el reinado de Jose I (1808–1813) (Valencia: Universitat de Valencia, 1995) and J.R. Bertomeu Sanchez, A. García Belmar, “Tres proyectos de creación de instituciones científicas durante el reinado de José I: Un estudio sobre la transmisión de la ciencia en el marco de la Guerra de la Independencia,” in J.A. Armillas, ed., La Guerra de la Independencia. Estudios (Zaragoza:. Diputación, 2001), vol. I, pp. 301–325.
On Spanish liberal exiles, see V. Lorens, Liberales y Romí nticos. Una emigración espafiola en Inglaterra (Madrid: Castalia, 1979), and R. Sanchez Mantero, Los liberales en el exilio (Madrid: Rialp, 1975). For a general view of Spanish scientific trips to Britain, see Valera, op. cit. (2).
“Les jeunes gens suivent avec ardeur mon cours sur la chimie animale à l’Ecole de médecine. Rien n’égale leur envie d’apprendre; les vingt leçons que je fais sur cette partie si neuve de la chimie, donnent, je le vois, un grand mouvement à cette branche de l’étude de la nature; mais je le modère le plus que je le puis; je ne veux pas trop l’accélérer, de crainte de briser cette belle machine entre mes mains. ”Cf. A. Fourcroy, “Extrait d’une lettre du citoyen…, au citoyen Van Mons, au sujet de celle de M. Humboldt,” Annales de Chimie, 22 (1797), 77–80. Antoine Fourcroy was the editor of La Médecine éclairée par les sciences physique… between 1791 and 1792, a journal translated soon afterwards into Spanish with the title Diario de los nuevos descubrimientos de todas las Ciencias Físicas, que tienen alguna relación con las diferentes partes del arte de curar… (Madrid: Sancha, 1792), 2 vols. On the medical aspects of the chemical revolution, see F.L. Holmes, “The chemical revolution and the art of healing,” Caduceus, 11 (2) (1995), 103–126. On the consequences of this debate in Spain, see J.R. Bertomeu Sanchez; A. García Belmar, “Los libros de texto de química destinados a estudiantes de medicina y cirugía en Espana (1788–1845)”, Dynamis, 20 (2000), pp. 457–489.
Jean-Baptiste-Thimothée Baumès (1756–1828), professor of the Faculty of Medicine of Montpellier, proposed a nosological system based on the new chemistry. His five main classes of diseases were: “calorinèses,” “oxigenèses,” “hydrogenèses,” “azotenèses” and “phosphorenèses.” See J.B.T. Baumès, Fondements de la science méthodique des maladies, pour servir de suite à l’Essai d’un système chimique de la science de l’homme… (Montpellier: 1801–1802) vol. I, pp. 174–180. On Baumès, see Holmes, op. cit. (19), pp. 118–12
F. Carbonell i Bravo, De Chemiae ad Medicinam applicationis usu et abusu (Monspelii: Apud G. Izar et A. Ricard, an IX). On Carbonell, see A. Nieto Galan, Ciència a Catalunya a l’inici del segle XIX: teoria i aplicacions tècniques a l’escola de Química de Barcelona sota la direcció de Francesc Carbonell i Bravo (1805–1822) (Barcelona: PhD, 1994). Carbonell published an important textbook on pharmacy and translated several papers by Fourcroy about the relation between chemistry and pharmacy. Cf. F. Carbonell i Bravo, Pharmaciae elementa chemiae recentioris fundamentis innixa… (Barcelona: J.F. Piferrer, 1796) (4th ed. 1824). French translations: Paris, Méquignon l’aîné, 1803; 3rd ed. 1821. Carbonell’s translation of Fourcroy’s Discourse was published in Madrid by Repullés in 1804.
M.J.B. Orfila, Elémens de chimie médicale (Paris: Crochard, 1817) vol. I, p. ii.
Ibid. “cette partie de la science nous ayant paru trop peu avancée pour pouvoir la réduire à des principes généraux.”
On these institutions, see M. Astrain Gallart, Barberos, Cirujanos y Gente de Mar. La sanidad naval y la profesión quirúrgica en la Espana ilustrada (Madrid: Ministerio de Defensa, 1996).
The alumni register of Paris Medical Faculty (Bibliothèque Faculté de Médecine, Paris, Ms. 25, 131–154) offers evidence that Luzuriaga attended courses by Jean Baptiste Langlois and Jean Louis Marie Solier de la Romillais. At the Collège du Roi, Luzuriaga attended lectures by Joseph Roulin (1708–1784) in 1782 (ACF, A-XIV/8). More information in A. Chinchilla, Anales históricos de la medicina en general y biografico-bibliogrcificos de la espanola en particular (Valencia: Imprenta de López y Cia., 1841–46), vol. IV, 357–59
Observations sur la physique…, 25 (1794), 252–261.
On this point, see J. Riera, “Los estudios en el Reim Unido de Ignacio Maria Ruiz de Luzuriaga, documentos y epistolario 1785–1787,” Cuadernos de Historia de la Medicina espanola, 14 (1975), 269–301.
AHN. Hacienda, libro 6463, f. 341, and lib. 6467, f. 296 v.
On the Collège de Girone, see L. Dulieu, La médecine en Montpellier (Montpellier: 1986), vol. HI (1) pp. 219–226. On Garriga, see A. García Belmar; J.R.Bertomeu Sanchez, “El Curso de química general aplicada a las artes (1804–1805) de San Cristóbal y Garriga”. In: J.L. Barona Vilar et al., eds., Las ciencias en la Ilustración (Valencia: Universitat de València, 2002) (forthcoming).
C. Meinel, “Theory or practice? The eighteenth century debate on the scientific status of chemistry,” Ambix, 30 (1983), 121–132.
For an introductory study about the Economic Societies and Sciences, see J. Fernandez Pérez, “Las sociedades económicas de Amigos del Pals,” in M. Selles; J.L. Peset; A. Lafuente, eds., Carlos III y la ciencia de la Ilustración (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1988), pp. 129–140. See also the references cited therein.
On this chair, see Gago, R.; I. Pellón, La catedra de química del Seminario de Bergara (Bergara, 1994), which includes additional bibliography.
See R. Gago et al., “El plan del rector Blasco (1786) y la renovación de las disciplinas científicas en la Universidad de Valencia: la química y la ensenanza clinica,” Estudis, 6 (1977), 157–170; A. Ten Ros, “La ciencia experimental en la Universidad espanola de la Ilustración. El laboratorio químico de la Universidad de Valencia: 1787–1807,” Asclepio, 28 (1985), 287–312; A. García Belmar; J.R. Bertomeu Sanchez, “El laboratorio químico de la Universidad de Valencia a través de sus gastos,” in H. Capel; J.M. López Pifiero; J. Pardo, eds., Ciencia e Ideologia en la ciudad (València: Generalitat Valenciana, 1992), vol. I, pp. 123–132.
See A.G. Rocasolano, “La escuela Química de Zaragoza,” Universidad, 13 (1936), 254–287; I. Aramendia, “La câtedra de química de la Real Sociedad Aragonesa de Amigos del Pals,” Llull, 20 (1997), 739–746; P.G. Echeandía, Función palica de abertura de las catedras de Botanica y Química, que celebro la Real Sociedad Aragonesa (Zaragoza: Institución “Fernando el Católico” - Real Sociedad Economica Aragonesa, 1997).
For biographical information about Mateu Orfila, see A. Fayol, La vie et l’oeuvre d’Orfila (Paris: Albin Michel, 1930); J. Hernandez Mora, “Orfila, El hombre, la vocación, la obra,” Revista de Mallorca, 49 (1953), 1–121; and S. Loreén, José Buenaventura Orfila. Estudio critico-biografico de su obra e influencia (Zaragoza: C.S.I.C., 1961). On his chemical research and teaching, see J.R. Bertomeu Sanchez; A. García Belmar, “Mateu Orfila (1787–1853) y las clasificaciones químicas,” Cronos, 2 (1) (1999), 3–46. and J.R. Bertomeu Sanchez; A. García Belmar, “Mateu Orfila’s Elémens de chimie médicale and the Debate about the Medical Applications of Chemistry in Early Nineteenth Century France,” Ambix, 47 (2000),1–25.
On Ardit and his travels and publications, see A. Nieto-Galan, op. cit. (21), pp. 189–203 and A. Nieto-Galan, Coulouring Textiles. A History of Natural Dyestuffs in Industrial Europe (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 2001), p. 126.
ANF, AJ16, 6426–6428. According to the register, he studied medicine between 1816 and 1820.
ACF, Paris, A-XIV/20. He attended Jacques Thenard’s lectures during 1818. More data about Desprats in A. Gil Novales, et al., Diccionario biografico del trienio liberal (Madrid: Ediciones el Orto, 1991), p. 178.
See M.D. Martínez No, “Les pensions culturals de la Junta de Comerç i la figura de Josep Roura i Estrada (1797–1860),” Pedralbes. Revista de Historia Moderna, 8 (2) (1988), 335–347. There is an interesting French police report on the activities of Roura in France during the 1820s. Cf. ACF, Paris, F7 /12062 (2243). More information about other pensionados coming from the Junta de Comerç, see M.S. Oliver, Los Espanoles en la Revolución Francesa (Madrid-Buenos Aires: Renacimiento, 1914).
“tomar conocimiento de los adelantamientos que ha tenido la química, encargar los instrumentos que no pueden hacerse aquí, y, sobre todo, a instruirse menudamente de lo que se practica en las Casas de la Moneda de Paris y Bordeaux en lo relativo a fundición, afinación, apartado, métodos de ensayos y refundición de nuestras monedas, procurando adquirir Pianos, o modelos de los Hornos y Maquinas mas útiles, y un completo conocimiento del mecanismo de las Labores, gastos que ocasionan, precauciones que se observan para evitar desperdicios y mermas y todo lo demas que fuera digno de notar y advertir.” Cf. AHN, Hacienda, book 10828, f. 241–242, July 7th, 1787.
AHN, Hacienda, book 6479, f. 230v., May 5th, 1803. On Garriga, see García Belmar, op. cit. (29).
“Lettre de Garriga, médecin, etc. Aux redacteurs des Annales de Chimie,” Annales de Chimie, 48 (an XII), 104–107; La Décade Philosophique, 31, an XII (4e trim.) (1804), pp. 193–198, and Journal Général de Médecine, XVII, an XII, pp. 437–446
Annales de Chimie, 53 (an XIII), pp. 115–118. Other favourable reviews were published in Décade Philosophique, an XIII MI6 trim.), pp. 70–71; an XIV (le trim.), pp. 385–387; and Journal générale de médecine, XXI, 341–342; XXIV, 239; 446–451.
Archives de l’Académie des Sciences de Paris, Mémoire sur les cuves d’indigo par M Garriga, médecin de l’université de Montpellier et pensionné de S.M.C., Lu le 21 septembre 1807, 36 p. The report of the French chemists was published by L. N. Vauquelin; J.L. Gay-Lussac; C. Berthollet, “Rapport d’un memoire sur les cuves d’indigo de M. Garriga, docteur en médecine, et pensionnaire du Roi d’Espagne, par MM…,” Annales de Chimie, 65 (1808), 99–106 and Mémoires presentes a l’Institute des Sciences, lettres et arts, par divers savants, et lus dans ses assemblées. Sciences mathématiques et physiques (Paris: Baudin, 1811), vol. II, pp. 634–636.
On this chair, see J.R. Bertomeu Sanchez; A. García Belmar, “Pedro Gutiérrez Bueno (1745–1822) y las relaciones entre la química y la farmacia durante el último tercio del siglo XVIII”, Hispania, 61 (2) (2001), pp. 539–562.
Many authors praised Don Antonio’s support to science. See P. Gutiérrez Bueno, Manual del arte de vidriería para use de los fabricantes de vidrio, cristales, piedras preciosas artificiales y esmaltes. (Madrid: Villalpando, 1799 and G. Baraares, Filosofía Farmacéutica (Madrid: 1814), vol. I, pp. i-ii.
Plan de la Escuela practica de química establecida en Madrid, y aprobado por S.M. en 13 de enero de 1803, which has been published by X. A. Fraga Vazquez, “El Plan de la Real Escuela Practica de Química de Madrid (1803), una alternativa institucional para la incorporación de la Química en el Estado esparaol,” Llull, 18 (34) (1995), 35–65.
Ibid. “Luego que un Discípulo se halle capaz de desempeíïar el empleo de Profesor sera nombrado para tal o cual catedra según la mayor o menor urgencia que haya en las Provincias y enviado inmediatamente a Paris por espacio de solo un arao, donde vera los Profesores mas célebres, notara su modo de enseí ar, los establecimientos de Historia natural, de química y mineralogia, etc; acabara de fortificar y perfeccionar sus conocimientos comparando unos con otros los profesores, sus sistemas, escuelas, etc.; y comprara al mismo tiempo, bajo la dirección del Embajador, las obras e instrumentos que scan indispensables para la Escuela que ha de dirigir a su regreso.”
“Recherches sur quelques combinations du mercure; par M. Taboada, élève de Proust,” Journal de Physique, de chimie et d’histoire naturelle, LX (an XIII), 378–390.
AGS, Gracia y Justicia, File 1090. Report by Gabriel Fernández de Taboada, April 18th, 1809. APR, Gobierno Intruso, Book 2209, f. 45 v. (534). More information on Fernandez Taboada in R. Roldân Guerrero, Diccionario biografico y bibliografico de autores farmacéuticos espanoles (Madrid: Graficas Valera, 1958–76), vol. II, p. 216; A. Meijide Pardo, El cientifico Fernandez Taboada (1776–1841) (A Coruna: Sem. de Estudos Galegos, 1988); Fraga Vazquez, op. cit. (54) and R. Sisto Edreira,; X.A. Fraga Vazquez, “A recepcion da ciencia moderna na Universidad de Santiago, 1772–1845. A incorporación da Fisica e da Química e o labor dos colexios practicos,” Ingenium, 5 (1996), 23–58.
AGS, file 1089, Report by the “Real Sociedad Economica de Amigos del País,” Zaragoza, May 16th, 1809; AMHN, Química, box 001, file 6. Oposiciones, May 21th, 1818. More information in M. Torneo Lacrue, Biografia científica de la Unviversidad de Zaragoza, (Zaragoza, 1962), 113–114 and García Belmar, op cit. (2).
“La experiencia ha acreditado que las dotaciones senaladas para estudiar química en las naciones extranjeras suelen producir un efecto casi siempre muy contrario al que se promete el Gobierno porque al paso que amortiguan el ardor y afición al estudio en aquéllos que las consiguen, creyéndose con bastante derecho para obtener los empleos a menos costa que los demas perjudican por esto mismo las esperanzas de aquéllos que se proponen estudiar de veras.” Cf. Plan de la Escuela practica…. In Fraga Vazquez, op.cit. (54), 59.
“Relación de los Exercicios literarios, méritos y servicios de D. Pedro Gutiérrez Bueno…” (early nineteenth century). In APR, box 490, exp.26, p.5. See Bertomeu Sanchez, op. cit. (52).
“Sobre el orden que se debe seguir en el fomento de las ciencias naturales y las artes,” Variedades de Ciencias Literaturas y Artes, I, 1803, pp. 212–226’
On this point, see J. Riera, Cirugía espaIiola ilustrada y su comunicación con Europa (Valladolid: Publicaciones, 1976); D. Ferrer, Historia del Colegio de Cirugía de la Armada de Cadiz (Cadiz: 1961) and Astrain Gallart, op. cit. (24). We are grateful to Mikel Astrain for substantial information about this issue.
AHN, book 6463, f. 202, 14.07.1787. On Aréjula see R. Gago et al., “Juan Manuel de Aréjula (1755–1830) y la introducción en Espana de la nueva nomenclatura química,” Cuadernos de Historia de la Medicina Espanola, 13 (1974), 273–295 and Bertomeu Sanchez, op. cit. (19).
On this School see A. Rumeu De Armas, Ciencia y tecnología en la Espana Ilustrada. La Escuela de Caminos y Canales (Madrid: Turner, 1980).
AHN, Hacienda, book 6468, f. 76–76v. See also Palacios Remondo, J. Los Delhuyar. La Rioja en América. Biografia de los hermanos Juan José y Fausto a través de fuentes y bibliografia (Logrono: Gobierno de la Rioja, 1993), p. 331.
Letter by Manuel Angulo, Schemnitz, July 4th, 1788. Reprinted in G. Puig y Larraz, Viajes de estudio por Europa…, Boletín de la Sociedad Geografica de Madrid, 40 (1899), 168–169.
On the liberal exiles in Paris, see R. Sanchez Mantero, op. cit. (18). On exile in England, see V. Lorens, op. cit. (18). On the exile of collaborators with the Napoleonic Government, see P. Barbastro Gil, Los afrancesados. Primera emigración politica del siglo XIX espanol (1813–1820) (Alicante: Instituto de Cultura “Juan Gil-Albert”, 1993).
See R. Belhoste, “Les caractères généraux de l’enseignement secondaire scientifique de la fin de l’Ancien Régime à la première guerre mondiale,” Histoire de l’Education, 41 (1989), 3–45; N. Huhn, L’organisation de l’enseignement des sciences (Paris: Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, 1989); C. Fournier-Balpe, Histoire de l’enseignement de la physique dans l’enseignement secondaire en France au XIXe siècle (Paris: Université de Paris XI, Thèse de Doctorat, 1994), and M. Gontard, L’enseignement secondaire en France de la fin de l’Ancien Régime à la loi Falloux, 1750–1850 (La Calade: Edisud, 1984), About the teaching of chemistry for medical and pharmaceutical students, see bibliography quoted in Bertomeu Sanchez, op. cit. (35). On technical, agricultural and military education, see F. B. Artz, The development of Technical Education in France, 1500–1850 (Cambridge: University Press, 1966); A. Léon, Histoire de l’éducation technique (Paris: PUF, 1968); and T. Charmasson (ed.), L’enseignement technique de la Révolution à nos jours (Paris: I.N.R.P. and Economica, 1987). For legal aspects, see A. Beauchamps, Recueil des lois et règlements de l’enseignement supérieur (1789–1914) (Paris: Delalain, 1880–1915).
AMCN, Química, 001, file 8 (1), Letter by Alcón Calduch, Paris, January 1st, 1820.
A. Fourcy, Histoire de la Ecole Polytechnique (Paris: chez l’auteur, 1828; reprinted in Paris, Belin, 1987); M. Bradley, “Scientific education for a new society: the Ecole Polytechnique, 1795–1830,” History of education, 1 (1976), 11–24.
R. E. Misas Jiménez, “Un químico espafiol del reinado de Fernando VII: José Luis Casaseca y Silvan,” Llull, 19 (36) (1996), 131–160; We are grateful to Dr. Misas Jiménez for his help on this topic. See also García Belmar, op. cit. (2).
He was registered on the courses of Jean Baptiste Langlois y Jean Louis Marie Solier de la Romillais at the Faculty of Medicine (Bibliothèque Faculté de Médecine, Paris (Ms. 25, 131–154)), as well as on the courses given by Joseph Roulin (1708–1784) at Collège de France in 1782 (ACF, Paris (A-XIV/8). According to Chinchilla, he studied with Macquer, Fourcroy, Antoine-Laurent Jussieu (1748–1836) and Louis Jean Marie Daubenton (1716–1800), as well as various teachers from the Ecole de Chirurgie of Paris (Chinchilla, op. cit. (26), vol. IV, pp. 357–59).
See J.R. Bertomeu Sanchez; A. García Belmar, “Alumnos espanoles en los curso de química del Collège de France (1774–1833),” in Actes de les III Trobades d’Història de la Ciència i de la Técnica als Pa sos Catalans (Barcelona: SCHCT, 1995), pp. 407–418.
ANF, AJ16/1915. and http://www. lamarck.net, where he is registered on the courses for 1815.
Orfila described his first lectures in his autobiography published by M.G. Chapel D’Espinasoux, “La Jeunesse d’Orfila. Fragment d’une autobiographie inedite publié par,” Revue Hebdomadaire, 22–3 (1914), 615–34; 86–113.
Letter from Mateu Orfila to his mother, Paris, February 16th 1812. Printed in M.C. Bosch, “Contribució a l’epistolari d’Orfila,” Randa, 30 (1988), 133–176.
Orfila’s autobiography reproduced by M.G. Chapel D’Espinasoux, op. cit. (78). See also Orfila’s letter to Junta de Comerç of Barcelona, Paris, November 29th, 1814 in Arxiu de la Biblioteca de Catalunya, Barcelona, Junta de Comerç, 21 bis 366.
The letters were printed by P. Lemay, “Contribution à la biographie d’Orfila,” Bull. Soc. Franç. Hist. Med., 25 (1931), 516–22.
Orfila, Elémens de chimie médical, op. cit. (22), vol. I, p. II. Orfila’s autobiography in Chapel d’Espinasoux, op. cit. (78). The Athénée of Paris replaced the Musée created by Jean-François Pilâtre of Rozier (1757–1785) in Paris, where important chemists such as Lavoisier, Fourcroy, Brogniart, Thenard, Chevreul, etc. gave classes. By mid-century, when Orfila wrote his autobiography, the institution no longer had the prestige it had enjoyed in the years when he gave his first chemistry courses. See C. Dejob, De l’établissement connu sous le nom de Lycée et d’Athénée et de quelques établissements analogues (Paris: Colin, 1889) and W.A. Smeaton, “The early years of the Lycée and the Lycée des Arts,” Annals of Sciences, 11 (1955), 309–19; 349–55.
Arxiu de la Biblioteca de Catalunya, Junta de Comerç, 21 bis 263, Letter by Carlos Ardit, Paris, November 25th, 1814.
Annales de Chimie, 34 (an VIII), p. 103. Quoted by J. Simon, The Alchemy of Identity. Pharmacy and the Chemical Revolution, 1777–1809 (University of Pittsburgh: Ph.D. 1997), p. 190.
J.P. Maygrier, Guide de l’étudiant en médecine… (Paris: Gabon, 1818). pp. 41–42 and p. 197.
L. Hubert, Almanach général de médecine pour la ville de Paris. 1827. Par…, chef des bureaux de la Faculté,secrétaire du Jury médical (Paris: Gabon et Cie, 1827), pp. 144146.
Cf. Rapport de M. Orfila sur l’état de l’enseignement médical en France, September 10th, 1837 in A. Beauchamps, Recueil des lois et règlements de l’enseignement supérieur (1789–1914) (Paris: Delalain, 1880–1915), vol. III, pp. 612–652. See Bertomeu Sanchez, op. cit. (35).
J.H. Warner, Against the Spirit of System (Princenton: University Press, 1998), chap. III.
Gaulthier translated W. Henry’s textbook into French during these years and he also played a minor role in the transmission of Daltonian atomism in France. See A.J. Rocke, Chemical Atomism in the Nineteenth Century. From Dalton to Cannizzaro (Ohio StateUniversity Press: 1984), p. 69 and M.P. Crosland (1968), “The First Reception of Dalton’s Atomic Theory in France,” in D.S.L. Cardwell, ed., John Dalton and the Progress of Science (Manchester: Univ. Press, 1968), pp. 280–281.
AMCN, Química, 001, file 4 (4), Antonio Benito, Paris, January 20th, 1816. On Benito’s collaboration with José Napoleon I, see Mercader Riba, J. José Bonaparte, Rey de Espan“a (Madrid: CSIC, 1983), pp. 88–89.
Ibid. Química, 001, file 7 (6). Report activities by Andrés Alcón, Paris, October 26th, 1819.
It has been already mentioned that Alcón greatly valued his acceptance at the Ecole Polytechnique: “[It is] so remarkable taking into account that I am the only foreigner […] who has been allowed to enter the school.” Cf. AMCN, Madrid, Química, 001, file 7 (6) Report by Andrés Alcón, Paris, January 1st, 1820.
AMCN, Química, 001, file 7 (1). “con el objeto de instruirse mas de proposito en la prâctica de la tintorerla, e introducir en Espana, por medio de un curso ptlblico las perfeccionadas maniobras de este arte importante, y difundir los principios científicos en que se fundan”. On this case see F.J. Puerto Sarmiento, “La huella de Proust: el laboratorio de química del Museo de Historia Natural,” Asclepio, 46 (1) (1994), 197–220, and García Belmar, op. cit. (2) and (29).
Ibid., Report by José Maria de San Cristóbal, Louviers, February 20th, 1820.
Ibid., Report by José Maria de San Cristóbal, Paris, April 18th, 1820.
“Viajar de una parte a otra, […j averiguar de antemano los nombres de los principales propietarios de manufacturas, […] buscar para ellos algunas recomendaciones que las mas veces son inútiles, de gastar mucho tiempo en ganar la confianza de los mas accesibles, antes de penetrar en el santuario, digamoslo así, de las artes y conferir con sus ministros; a todo lo cual se agregan todas las trabas [que suponían el escaso valor de su pension de 1000 reales mensuales que debían servir] para viajar […] gratificar operarios y lo que es sobremanera útil o para decirlo con mas verdad, del todo necesario hacer ajustes con los maestros que le dejen a uno ver, preguntar y hacer libremente, sin cuya condición es imposible lograr el objeto propuesto,” (Ibid., Química 001, carpeta 7 (1), Report by San Cristóbal to the Spanish Government, Paris, May 12111, 1820).
AHN, Estado, file 5327 (23). Report by J.M. San Cristóbal, Paris, November 22th, 1824. The book was published by Vitalis in 1810 and was reissued. See Nieto-Galan, op. cit. (36) and García Belmar, op. cit. (29).
Ibid. Quoted from a letter written by Marqués de Casa-Irujo, November 4,1821.
Ibid. Letter by Marqués de Casa-Irujo, Paris, May 251h, 1822, reporting about a letter from San Cristóbal.
He was requested to send reports written by well known French monarchic notables but, even if he succeeded in obtaining these letters, his return to Spain probably never took place. See García Belmar, op. cit. (27).
“Avant que la chimie eût ramené à des principes généraux les nombreuses opérations de l’industrie, les fabriques, les manufactures, étaient, pour ainsi dire, l’apanage de quelques nations et la propriété d’un petit nombre d’individus; le secret le plus absolu couvrait chaque procédé du voile du mystère; les formules et les pratiques se transmettaient en héritage de génération à génération. La chimie a tout dévoilé: elle a rendu le domaine des arts le patrimoine de tous; et, en peu de temps, on a vu tous les peuples, chez lesquels cette science a été cultivée, s’enrichir des établissements de leurs voisins. Les préparations de plomb, de cuivre, de mercure; les travaux sur le fer; la fabrication des acides; l’apprêt des étoffes; l’impression des couleurs sur toile; la composition des cristaux, des terres cuites et des porcelaines, etc.; tout cela a été tiré du secret, et forme aujourd’hui une propriété commune.” Cf. J.A.C. Chaptal Chimie appliquée aux arts (Paris: Déterville, 1807), vol. I, xv, and vol. III, 5–7, about the role of the war in this process.
L.N. Vauquelin; J.L. Gay-Lussac; C. Berthollet (1808), op. cit. (50) on p. 100. See García Belmar, op. cit. (27) for more information.
E. Maffei; R. Rúa Figueroa, Apuntes para una Biblioteca espanola de libros, folletos y artículos, impresos y manuscritos,relativos al conocimiento de las riquezas minerales y a las ciencias auxiliares (Madrid: 1871–72), vol. I, p. 495; Gago, op. cit. (32), pp. 21 and 54. Many Portuguese “estrangeirados” also belonged to the Freemasons. See A. Carneiro; A. Simöes; M.P. Diogo, “Enlightenment Science in Portugal: the Estrangeirados and their communication networks,” Social Studies of Science, 30 (4) (2000), 591–619; M. P. Diogo; A. Carneiro; A. Simöes, “The Portuguese naturalist Correia da Serra (1751–1823) and his impact on early nineteenth-century botany,” Journal of the History of Biology, 34 (2) (2001), 353–393.
J. R. Harris, Industrial Espionage and Technology Transfer. Britain and France in the Eighteenth Century (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998), pp. 435–6.
A. J. Barreiro, El Museo Nacional de Ciencias Naturales (Madrid: Museo de Ciencias Naturales, 1992) (1st ed. 1944), pp. 71–72 and Harris, op. cit. (106), p. 435, who mentioned “M. Angelo.” Angulo collaborated with Guyton de Morveau and, in 1786, was appointed vice-director of the Royal Cabinet with the order of teaching chemistry. He was also appointed Director of Mines at the end of 1786. Cf. AHN, Hacienda, book 10827, f. 495v., December 28th, 1786
Ibid. pp. 208 and 309. According to Palacios Redondo, Le Camus was a member of the Basque Society Cf. Palacios Remondo, op. cit. (67), p. 133).
AMCN, Química, 001, several letters addressed at Izquierdo, 1786–1788.
A. Muriel, Historia del Reinado de Carlos IV. In: Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, vol. 115, p. 42–43. G. Puig y Larraz, “Viajes de estudio por Europa (Francia, Austria, Alemania central, Prussia, Holanda, Suecia, Noruega e Inglaterra) durante los arms 1788–1795: cartas científicofamiliares de Manuel de Angulo…,” Boletín de la Sociedad Geografica de Madrid, 22–24 (40–42) (1898–99), pp. 154–155. More information about Izquierdo’s activities in the correspondence published by I. Pellón; P. Roman, La Bascongada y el Ministerio de Marina. Espionaje, Ciencia y Tecnologia en Bergara (1777–1783) (Bergara: Real Soc. Bascongada, 1999).
The full text of both sets of instructions is reproduced in Palacios Remondo, op. cit. (67), 128–132.
Elhuyar attended Bergman’s lectures in 1782 and took some notes in French, which have been published by A. Fredga; S. Ryden, “Juan José de Elhuyars anteckningar efter Toberbn Bergmans föreläsningar 1782,” Lychnos, 11 (1959), 161–208. We are grateful to Dr. Anders Lundgren for his help on this question.
On Elhuyar’s trip see A.P. Whitaker, “The Elhuyar mining missions and the Enlightenment,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 31 (4) (1951), 557–585; Palacios Remondo, op. cit. (67), 112–11 and Gago, op.cit (32), pp. 25–32. For other “metallurgical travellers,” see Harris, op. cit. (106), pp. 222–237, notably pp. 233–235 on the Carron ironworks.
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Belmar, A.G., Sánchez, J.R.B. (2003). Constructing the Centre from the Periphery. In: Simões, A., Carneiro, A., Diogo, M.P. (eds) Travels of Learning. Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science, vol 233. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-3584-1_7
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