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Leibniz and Millenarianism

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Abstract

Whether Leibniz would have been pleased by intensive scholarly scrutiny of his juvenilia is open to question. The pride inspired in youthful authors by their first publications is often purchased at a considerable price in later embarrassment. Even a prodigy such as Leibniz was not altogether immune to this effect: if the reprinting of perhaps his finest early publication caused him discomfort,1 one can only imagine his reaction to the posthumous publication of his entire archive of private papers.

It is a pleasure to acknowledge the support of the Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel, during a research fellowship at which most of the research for this paper was undertaken.

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Reference

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  16. A more complete discussion will be found in Alsted and Leibniz on God, the Magistrate and the Millennium, edited with introductions and commentary by Maria Rosa Antognazza and Howard Hotson [Wolfenbütteler Arbeiten zur Barockforschung] (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1999), pp. 127–215. The present paper is a much abridged version of one of the main lines of argument of that section.

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  18. First published in Oeuvres de Leibniz par A. Foucher de Careil (7 vols., Paris: Firmin-Didot frères, fils et cie, 1859–75), II, 497–506; reprinted in VE 2065–73.

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  22. It features, for instance, in Leibniz’s correspondence with Ernst von Hessen-Rheinfels (A I iv 358, 405–6, 425; A I vii 184–5, 203, 222, 232; and the following note), Paul Pellisson-Fontanier (A I vi 118, 147), Christoph de Rojas y Spinola (A I x 157), and Marie de Brinon (Gr 209; A I xi 381–2, 439).

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  23. /18 Jan. 1692 (A I vii 252); repeated in more detail A I viii 169, 190–91. Cf. Leibniz’s response A I vii 257.

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  24. The leading surveys of the English wing of this tradition are Ball, A Great Expectation; R. Bauckham, Tudor Apocalypse: Sixteenth Century Apocalypticism, Millenarianism and the English Reformation (Oxford: Sutton Courtenay, 1978); P. Christianson, Reformers and Babylon: English Apocalyptic Visions from the Reformation to the Eve of the Civil War (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978); and K. R. Firth, The Apocalyptic Tradition in Reformation Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979). A start in surveying central European expectations has been made in R. B. Barnes, Prophecy and Gnosis: Apocalypticism in the Wake of the Lutheran Reformation (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988).

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  25. [First half of March], 1684 (A I iv 324–5).

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  26. Leibniz, Sonderbare Erklärung der Offenbarung (VE 2064): “Weil ich sehe daß viel gottesfürchtige und wohmeinende Leute sich durch falsche oder doch sehr ungewiße erclärungen der offenbahrung Johannis verführen laßen, so gar daß auch empöhrungen, meutereyen und allerhand weit aussehende anschläge, daher entstanden; auch einige unterm schein göttlichen befehls sich erkühnet Königen und Fürsten vorzuschreiben was sie thun soften, und auf den weigerungsfall oder sonst die gemeine gegen sie zu erregen. So will ich eine sonderbare erclärung der offenbahrung alhier mit wenigen beybringen, welche diesen gefahrlichen gedancken auf einmahl alle gelegenheit abschneidet. Nicht daß ich diese erclärung vor die gewiBeste und beste halte; sondern damit man sehe wie so gar leicht sey, wenn man belesen, und hurtige einfalle hat, etwas artliches aus dem text und historien zusammen zu reimen.” The final, extraordinary statement is discussed in section III below.

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  27. Cf. for instance Leibniz’s letters to Hermann von der Hardt, 10 (?) July) 1691 (A I vi 548) and to Daniel Larroque, 12 July 1691 (A I vi 588).

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  28. Luis de Alcazar, Vestigatio arcani sensus in Apocalypsi (Seville, 1604; Antwerp, 1614, 1619). F. Contreras, ‘Vestigatio arcani sensus in Apocalypsi (1614). Presentación, estudio y comentarios’, Archivo Teologico Granadino 52 (1989): 51168. In general see I. T. Beckwith, The Apocalypse of John: Studies in Introduction (New York, 1919; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1967), pp. 330–33; R. H. Charles, Studies in the Apocalypse (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1913), pp. 36–42.

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  29. On Grotius’ irenicism, see Dieter Wolf, Die Irenik des Hugo Grotius nach ihren Prinzipien und biographisch-geistesgeschichtlichen Perspektiven (Marburg, 1969; Hildesheim, 1972); G. H. M. Posthumus Meyjes, ‘Hugo Grotius as Irenicist’, in The World of Hugo Grotius (1583–1645). Proceedings of the International Colloquium Organized by the Grotius Committee of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, Rotterdam 6–9 April 1983 (Rotterdam: Holland University Press, 1984), pp. 43–64.

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  30. Grotius, Commentario ad loca quaedam N. Testamenti de Antichristo (Amsterdam 1640); reprinted in his Annotationes in libros Evangelicorum (Amsterdam, 1641), I, pp. 1032–42.

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  31. Grotius, Annotationum in Novum Testamentum pars tertia ac ultima (Paris, 1650), on the Apocalypse, pp. 125–286. On Grotius’s debt to de Alcázar, see Wilhelm Bousset, Die Offenbarung Johannis (1859, 6th rev. ed. 1906, facsimile ed. Göttingen, 1966), p. 98.

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  32. Cf. Grotius, Commentario de Antichristo in his Annotationes in libros Evangeli-corum, pp. 1032–60, with his Annotationum in Novum Testamentum pars tertia ac ultima, pp. 74–5, 200–8, 210–12, 215–22, 244–5. For the reception of these works, see the contributions by J. K. Cameron, J. van den Berg, and Ernestine van der Wall to H. J. M. Nellen and E. Rabbie (eds.), Hugo Grotius, Theologian: Essays in Honour of G. H. M. Posthumus Meyjes (Leiden: Brill, 1994), pp. 159–68, 169–84, 195–215. Leibniz alludes to these attacks at A I vi 549. 17–18.

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  33. Summaria Apocalypseos explicatio, VE 2068, 2069, 2070.28–71. 12, 2071. 2772. 14.

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  34. Grotius, Annotationum in Novum Testamentum pars tertia ac ultima, pp. 264–8.

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  35. Summaria Apocalypseos explicatio (VE 2073).

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  36. E.g., A 1 iv 358, 405–6; A I vi 548; A I ix 228.

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  37. The interpretation of 666 as the emperor Trajan became perhaps his favorite aspect of Grotius’ exegesis (cf. VE 2069–70; A I iv 358; A I vi 549, 553–4; A I ix 228); but cf. the more purely mathematical solutions proposed in A I vi 549; Commercii epistolici Leibnitiani typis nondum vulgati selecta specimina, ed. J. G. H. Feder (Hanover: Sumptibus Fratrum Hahn, 1805), p. 245; and Leibniz’s notes on Valentin Weigel, SuperApocalypsin (Frankfurt, 1619), pp. 6–7 (VE 2088).

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  38. G III 303; A I ii 429, 437, 448, 481 concern a copy of Grotius’ Annotationes supposedly corrected, altered and expanded in a great number of places by the author’s own hand.

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  39. Cf. Bossuet, L’Apocalypse, avec une explication (Paris, 1689), preface, pp. 61ff, Advertissement’, cap. I, pp. 305–6; and A I vi 588; A I vii 184–5, 203, 222; A I ix 227–9.

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  40. Smith’s Septem Asiae ecclesiarum et Constantinopoles notitia (London, 1676; 2nd ed. Utrecht, 1694) provides a wealth of historical and topographical information useful for a straightforward historical treatment of the first three chapters of the Apocalypse. Cf. A I xiv 709–10 (1697); VE 2066.8–9; DNB, XVIII. 539–41.

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  41. Leibniz, Sonderbare Erklärung der Offenbarung (VE 2064.15–18; quoted above, note 26).

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  42. Summaria Apocalypseos explicatio (VE 2065): “Nuper in Apocalypsin meditatus, hoc interpretationis fundamentum ponendum putavi: V e r i s i m i le e s t o m n i a q u oa d ej u s f I e r i p o t e n t d e r e b u s J o h a n n i c o n t e m p o r a n e i s i n t e l I i g i d e b e r e.” Cf. Sonderbare Erkläng der Offenbarung (VE 2064): “Ich seze demnach zum fundament das was man füglich von denen zeiten so Johanni am nästen verstehen kan cuff die dinge nicht zu ziehen so sehr weit davon entfernet.”

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  43. Cf. for instance the passages listed in 36 above.

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  44. A I iv 358, 405–6; A I vii 203; A I ix 228. Occasional glimpses of this qualification of a consistently praeterist position can be found in a letter to Daniel Larroque of 21 (31) July 1691 (A I vi 588.20–23). Cf. also the Essais de Theodicé, § 274 (G VI 280).

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  45. Leibniz to Landgraf Ernst von Hessen-Rheinfels, 7 Dec. 1691 (A I vii 203).

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  46. Leibniz to Landgraf Ernst von Hessen-Rheinfels, 14 Mar. 1685 (A I iv 358).

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  47. Cf. for instance the literature cited in notes 5, 7–15, 20 and 24 above.

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  48. Leibniz to Landgraf Ernst von Hessen-Rheinfels, 12 Aug 1686 (A I iv 405–6).

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  49. Leibniz to Gerhard Meier, 10 Jan. 1693 (A I ix 228).

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  51. Cf. esp. A I vii 29–52, 74–9, 100–108, 190–91; D V 278–9; G III 274–5, 283; Gu II, 342–7; Essais de Theodicé, § 17 (G VI 111–12, 202–3). See also Leibniz, De l’Horizon de la Doctrine Humaine — ‘Apokat£sasij p£ntwn (La Restitution Universelle), ed. Michel Fichant (Paris: Vrin, 1991), pp. 16–28, 94–7, 119–24, 172–3; Coudert, Leibniz and the Kabbalah, pp. 111, 115–17, 120.

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  52. Leibniz to Fabricius, 14 Oct. 1706 (D V 278–9).

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  53. Leibniz to Petersen, 15 Oct. 1706 (Del’ Gorizon, ed. Fichant, p. 25). Translation adapted from Coudert, Leibniz and the Kabbalah, pp. 115–16.

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  54. Leibniz to Johannes Fabricius, 3 Sept. 1711 (D V 293–4).

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  55. Cf. Leibniz to Fabricius, 8 Dec. 1711 and 28 Jan. 1712 (D V 295, 296–7); and Leibniz to des Bosses, 6 January 1712 (G II 428).

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  56. Leibniz to Fabricius, 28 Jan. 1712 (D V 296–7).

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  57. Leibniz to Fabricius, 26 Feb. 1712 (D V 297).

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  58. Leibniz to Fabricius, 10 Mar. and 17 Mar. 1712 (D V 297, 299); BH 366; Niedersachsische Landesbibliothek, Hanover: Leibniz-Handshriften XXXIX 18 B1. 39–53: ‘Leibn.’s Verbesserungen zu den Gedichte des J.W. Petersen: “Uranias,?...”.’

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  59. Leibniz to Fabricius, 22 Jan. 1715 (D V 301).

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  60. Leibniz to Fabricius, 6 July 1716 (D V 301).

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  61. Petersen, Uranias qua opera Dei magna omnibus retro seculis et oeconomiis transactis usque ad apocatastasin seculorum omnium? carmine heroico celebrantur (Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1722).

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  62. Leibniz, De l’Horizon de la Doctrine Humaine, ed. Fichant, pp. 66–77; cf. pp. 86–93, 111–119, 172–3. Cf. the first edition and German translation in Max Ettlinger, Leibniz als Geschichtsphilosoph (Munich: Josef Kösel and Friedrich Pustet, 1921); and Michel Fichant, ‘Ewige Widerkehr oder unendlicher Fortschritt: Die Apokatastasisfrage bei Leibniz’, SL 23/2 (1991): 133–50.

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  63. Feller (ed., Otium Hanoveranum, p. 225: ‘La traduction de l’Apocalypse par Martin Luther a des expressions fortes; Et le livre en luy même est ecrit d’un stile beau, fleuri, et poëque.’

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  64. Leibniz, Sonderbare Erkläng der Offenbarung (VE 2064): “Es sey aber dieses buch von wem es wolle, so ists auf eine herrliche und ganz entzückende weise geschrieben;?...”.

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  65. Summaria Apocalypseos explicatio (VE 2065–6): “Alterum est quod noto Apocalypsin e s s e s c r i p t u m i n t e r a r t i f I c i o s i s s i m a c e n s e n d u m, q u a e n o b is e x o m n i a n t i q u i t a t e r e l i q u a s i n t. Ea in illo est simplicitas sermonis, et verborum proprietas, et sententiarum majestas, et lumina orationis, ut sine admiratione quadam atque intima animorum convnotione legi attente non possit. Qualis dicendi ratio est Platonis cujus Phaedo de animae immortalitate, aliquibus mortem voluntariam persuasit; et Virgilii cujus de Marcelli morte versus Livia sine lacrymis legere non potuit.”

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  66. In a variant formulation, it was applied to the period between the Resurrection of Christ and the rise of Antichrist, three and one-half years before the Second Coming. See Augustine, De civitate Dei, xx, 7–9, 11, 13.

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  67. The best-known instance is Thomas Brightman, Apocalypsis apocalypseos, id est, Apocalypsis D. Joannis analysis et scholiis illustrata (Frankfurt, 1609); translated as A Revelation of the Revelation (Amsterdam, 1611, 1615), pp. 838–61, esp. 848–53. Others include Matthieu Cottière (alias Cotterius), Apocalypseos Domini nostri Jesu Christi exposito (Saumur, 1615); and James Durham, A Commentarie upon the Book of Revelation, ed. John Carstairs (London, 1658).

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  68. In addition to the works cited above, notes 3–8, see especially Charles Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform, 1626–1660 (London: Duckworth, 1975), esp. ch. 1; and idem, From Paracelsus to Newton: Magic and the Making of Modern Science (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), ch. 2.

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  69. Leibniz, Summaria Apocaypseos explcatio (VE 2065; quoted above, note 42).

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  70. This assumption on his part is in striking contrast to his position eleven years later, as manifested by his satirical broadside against Louis XIV, the Mars Christianissimus of 1683, where he portrayed the grandious pretensions and farfetched biblical justifications of French policy as millenarian precisely in order to ridicule them (A IV ii 480; cf. 457; R 128).

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Hotson, H. (1999). Leibniz and Millenarianism. In: Brown, S. (eds) The Young Leibniz and his Philosophy (1646–76). International Archives of the History of Ideas / Archives Internationales d’Histoire des Idées, vol 166. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-3507-0_9

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