Abstract
The formal semantics of plurals — which goes back to at least Bennett (1974) — has the work of Link (namely, 1983 and 1984) as a crucial landmark. His ideas about a lattice-theoretical definition of the domain of discourse undoubtedly shed a new light on the thought about plurality in natural languages and was the origin of a rich literature. However, several questions that derive precisely from the wealth of the denotations made available by Link’s new framework have not yet, to my knowledge, been addressed in a systematic way and thus remain unanswered. Three of such questions will be addressed here:
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(i)
given the variety of individuals that can be in the denotations of nominals — simple atoms, complex atoms and i-sums -, what individuals can count for a distributive reading (henceforth, DR), or, reducing to the really puzzling point, can i-sums be the relevant individuals in A ∩ B, where A and B are the sets denoted by the relevant nominal and the relevant predicative expression?
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(ii)
under what (linguistic) circumstances can — atomic or non-atomic — individuals in the denotation of a nominal structure become parts of a plural individual being considered in a collective reading (henceforth, CR)?
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(iii)
what are the factors that determine whether or not an NP can be assigned a DR, a CR or both?
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Peres, J.A. (1998). Issues on Distributive and Collective Readings. In: Hamm, F., Hinrichs, E. (eds) Plurality and Quantification. Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy, vol 69. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-2706-8_9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-2706-8_9
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