Advertisement

Kabbalistic Messianism Versus Kabbalistic Enlightenment

  • A. P. Coudert
Chapter
Part of the International Archives of the History of Ideas / Archives Internationales D’Histoire des Idées book series (ARCH, volume 173)

Abstract

Gershom Scholem’s philosophy of Jewish history rests on the assumption that forces within Jewish culture are sufficient to explain historical developments without recourse to the intrusion of foreign ideas or influences.1 Thus for Scholem, the expulsion of the Jews from Spain set off a chain reaction that led from the Lurianic Kabbalah, to Sabbatian messianism, and finally to secularization and the Haskalah. Rather than a gradual progression, Scholem envisions Jewish history as a series of catastrophic ruptures.2 This is especially true in the case of Sabbatianism, which Scholem contends destroyed Judaism from within. Thus, fervent, antinomian messianism, when disappointed, led to its polar opposite, secularism and religious indifference.

Keywords

Seventeenth Century Scientific Revolution Jewish History Early Modern Period Jewish Culture 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    David Biale, for example, suggests that Scholem’s outlook can best be described in dialectical terms: “Scholem’s theory of how mystical heresy ushered in the modern period of secularism and rationalism is the culmination of his attempt to show the hidden influence of mysticism on Jewish history. His account of the development of kabbalistic messianism into apocalyptic heresy and finally secular enlightenment rests on his theory of the productive conjunction of opposites: myth and monotheism, mysticism and rationalism, apocalyptic messianism and secularism. This theory derives from his understanding of the role of demonic forces in history” (Biale, Gershom Scholem: Kabbalah and Counter-History [Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979], 164). Scholars have also pointed out the way Scholem’s philosophy of history was influenced by his Zionism and attack on the kind of universalist thinking represented by the Wissenshaft des Judenthums. Moshe Idel has, however, pointed out the limits of Scholem’s strictly internalist view of Jewish history in the case of “Jewish Gnosticism,” which Scholem variously described as both intrinsic to Judaism (in the case of Merkabah mysticism) and a foreign element (in later Kabbalah). See Idel, “Subversive Catalystis: Gnosticism and Messianism in Gershom Scholem’s View of Jewish Mysticism,”in The Jewish Past: Reflections on Modern Jewish Historians, ed. David N. Myers and David B. Ruderman ( New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998 ), 39–76.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    As Idel astutely points out, in this regard Scholem subscribes to the “lachrymose” view of Jewish history. Idel, Messianic Mystics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 269. Scholem also believed that messianic movements were provoked by crises, but as Idel points out messianism can also arise from hope: while the Holocaust did not stimulate messianism, the establishment of Israel and the Six Day War did (ibid.,8).Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    On this point see David Ruderman’s review of Israel’s book (see next footnote) in the Jewish Quarterly Review 78 (1987), 154–59.Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    Israel, European Jewry in the Age of Mercantilism: 1570–1713 ( Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985 ).Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    Idel, “Religion, Thought and Attitudes: the Impact of the Expulsion on the Jews,” in Spain and the Jews: The Sephardi Experience, 1492 and After, ed. Elie Kedourie (London: Thames and Hudson, Inc., 1992); idem, “Hermeticism and Judaism,” in Hermeticism and the Renaissance, ed. I. Merkel and A. Debus (Washington: Folgar Library, 1988), 59–76; idem, “Jewish Kabbalah and Platonism in the Middle Ages and Renaissance,” in Neoplatonism and Jewish Thought, ed. Lenn E. Goodman (Albany: State University Press, 1992), 319–351; idem, “Magical and Neoplatonic Interpretations of the Kabbalah in the Renaissance,” in Jewish Thought in the Sixteenth Century, ed. B.D. Cooperman ( Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983 ), 186–242.Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    Alexander Altmann, “Lurianic Kabbalah in a Platonic Key: Abraham Cohen Herrera’s Puerta del Cielo, ” Hebrew Union College Annual 53 (1982), 317–52. Richard H. Popkin, “Jewish Anti-Christian Arguments as a Source of Irreligion from the Seventeenth to the Early Nineteenth Century,” in Atheism from the Reformation to the Enlightenment, ed. M. Hunter and D. Wootton (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 159–81; idem, “Jewish Messianism and Christian Millenarianism,” in Culture and Politics, ed. Perez Zagorin (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 67–90; idem, “The Jews of the Netherlands in the Early Modern Period,” in In and Out of the Ghetto: Jewish-Gentile relations in late medieval and early modern Europe, ed. R. Po-chia Hsia and H. Lehmann (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 311–16. Richard, H. Popkin and Gordon M. Weiner, ed., Christian-Jews and Jewish-Christians (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1994). David S. Katz, “The Abendana Brothers and the Christian Hebraists of Seventeenth-Century England,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 40 (1989), 28–52; idem, “Henry More and the Jews,” in Henry More (1614–1687): Tercentenary Studies, ed. Sarah Hutton (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1990), 173–188; idem, “The Phenomenon of’ Philo-Semitism in Christianity and Judaism,” in Studies in Church History 29 (Oxford, 1992), 327–61; idem, Philo-Semitism and the Readmission of the Jews to England, 1603–1655 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982); idem, Sabbath and Sectarianism in Seventeenth-century England (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1988). Hava Tirosh-Rothschild, Between Worlds: The Life and Thought of Rabbi David ben Juda Messer Leon (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991). Silvia Berti, “At the Roots of Unbelief,” The Journal of the History of Ideas 56 (1995), 555–75; Matt Goldish, “Newton on Kabbalah,” in The Books of Nature and Scripture, ed. Richard H. Popkin and James E. Force (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1994), 89–103. J. van den Berg and Ernestine G.E. van der Wall, ed., Jewish-Christian Relations in the Seventeenth Century: Studies and Documents (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1988); David B. Ruderman, “The Italian Renaissance and Jewish Thought,” Renaissance Humanism: Foundations, Forms, and Legacy, ed. Albert Rabil, Jr., 3 vols. (Philadelphia: Univeristy of Pennsylvania Press, 1988) 1: 382–433; idem, “Jewish Thought in Newtonian England: The Career and Writings of David Nieto,” Proceedings of the American Academy of Jewish Research 58 (1992), 193–219; idem, Jewish Thought and Scientific Discovery in Early Modern Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995); idem, Kabbalah, Magic, and Science: The Cultural Universe of a Sixteenth-Century Jewish Physician (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1988); idem, A Valley of Vision: The Heavenly Journey of Abraham ben Hananiah Yagel ( Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990 ).Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    Sharot, Messianism, Mysticism, and Magic,108.Google Scholar
  8. 8.
    Jakob J. Petuchowski, The Theology of Haham David Nieto: An Eighteenth-Century Defense of the Jewish Tradition (Jerusalem: Ktav Publishing House, 1970); Yosef Kaplan, The Story of Isaac Orobio de Castro, trans from the Hebrew by Raphael Loewe (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Matt Goldish, “Halakhah, Kabbalah, and Heresy: A Controversy in Early Eighteenth-Century Amsterdam,” The Jewish Quarterly 84 (1993–4), 153–76; Miriam Bodian, Hebrews of the Portuguese Nation Conversas and Community in Early Modern Amsterdam (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997 ); José Faur, In the Shadow of History: Jews and Conversas at the Dawn of Modernity ( New York: State University of New York Press, 1992 ).Google Scholar
  9. 9.
    Richard H. Popkin, “Jewish Anti-Christian Arguments as a Source of Irreligion from the Seventeenth to the Early Nineteenth Century,” in Atheism from the Reformation to the Enlightenment, ed. M. Hunter and D. Wootton (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 15981; idem, “Skepticism about Religion and Millenarian Dogmatism: Two Sources of Toleration in the Seventeenth Century,” in Beyond the Persecuting Society: Religious Toleration Before the Enlightenment, ed. J.C. Laursen amp; Cary J. Nederman (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), 232–50. idem, “L’Inquisition Espagnole et la diffusion de la Pensée Juive dans la Reniassance,” Vile Congrès International de Tours, Science de la Renaissance (Paris: J. Vrin, 1973 ). Faur, In the Shadow of History, 1. Yirmiyahu Yovel, Spinoza and Other Heretics: The Marrano of Reason ( Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989 ).Google Scholar
  10. 10.
    Uriei d’Acosta, A Specimen of Human Life (New York: Bergman Publishers, 1967); L. Kolakowski, Chrétiens sans Église: La Conscience religieuse et le lieu confessionnel au xvii siècle (Paris: Gallimard, 1969). For a discussion of Späth’s life and conversion, see H.J. Schoeps, Philosemitismus im Barock (Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1952), 67ff. The fullest account of his life can be found in the report that J.T. Klumpf sent to J.J. Schudt, which Schudt included in his Jüdische Merkwürdigkeiten (Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1714–1718), I: 273–276; IV: 192–203.Google Scholar
  11. 11.
    Heribert Raab, “Das `discrete Catholische’ des Landgraften Ernst von Hessen-Rheinfels (1623 bis 1693): Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Reunionsbemühungen und der Toleranzbestrebungen im 17. Jahrhundert,” Archiv für Mittelrheinische Kirche-Geschichte 12 (1960), 175–98; idem, “ `Sincere et ingenue etsi cum Discretion.’ Landgraf Ernst von Hessen-Rheinfels (162393) über eine Reform von Papstum, ” Beiträge zu kirchlichen Reformbemühungen von der Alten Kirche bis zu Neuzeit. Festgabe für Erwin Iserloh, hrsg. Baumer ( Paderborn und München: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1980 ).Google Scholar
  12. 12.
    Volker Wappmann, Durchbruch zur Toleranz: Die Religionspolitik des Pfalzgrafen Christian August von Sulzbach, 1622–1708 ( Neustadt: Verlag Degener & Co., 1995 ).Google Scholar
  13. 13.
    Ernst Benz, “La Kabbale chrétienne en Allemagne du xvi au xviii siècle,” in Kabbalistes Chrétiens: Cahiers de l’Hermetisme, ed. Antoine Faivre and Frederick Tristan (Paris: Editions Albin Michel, 1979 ), 111–12.Google Scholar
  14. 14.
    Allison P. Coudert, “The Kabbala Denudata: Converting Jews or Seducing Christians?” in Christian-Jews and Jewish-Christians,ed. Richard H. Popkin and Gordon M. Weiner (Dordrecht: Kluwer,1994), 73–96. Christian August was Prince of Sulzbach and a Hebrew and kabbalistic scholar of considerable renown. His spiritual crisis had clearly not been resolved by his conversion to Catholicism but only (and eventually) by his embracing a skeptical ecumenism. See Volker Wappmann, Durchbruch zur Toleranz: Die Religionspolitik des Pfalzgrafen Christian August von Sulzbach.Google Scholar
  15. 15.
    Van der Hardt made this observation in a conversation he had with Gottlieb Stolle. G.E. Guhrauer, “Beiträge zur Kenntneiss des 17. u. 18. Jahrhunderts aus den handschriflichen Aufzeichungen Gottlieb Stolle’s,” Allgemeine Zeitschrift für Geschichte 7 (1847), 403.Google Scholar
  16. 16.
    Schudt, Jüdische Merkwürdigkeiten,IV, eh. 18, 192, par. 2.Google Scholar
  17. 17.
    Elisheva Carlebach, “Converts and their Narratives in Early Modern Germany: The Case of Friedrich Albrecht Christiani,” Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 40 (1995), 65–122.Yosef Kaplan, “Political Concepts in the World of the Portuguese Jews of Amsterdam during the Seventeenth Century: The Problem of Exclusion and the Boundaries of Self-Identity,” in Menasseh ben Israel and his World,ed. Yosef Kaplan, Henry Méchoulan, and Richard H. Popkin (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1989), 45–62. According to the Encyclopedia Judaica,Moses Germanus taught in a Shephardi school, although he took an Ashkenazic name and married an Ashkenazic wife. The hostility between the two groups in Amsterdam might explain Späth’s insecure position.Google Scholar
  18. 18.
    Scholem, Messianic Idea in Judaism and Other Essays (New York: Schocken Books, 1971), 59: “… [Lurianic Kabbalah] was in its whole design electric with Messianism and pressing for its release; it was impelling a Messianic outburst.” See also Scholem, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism ( New York: Schocken Books, 1954 ), 244–86.Google Scholar
  19. 19.
    Idel, Messianic Mystics,268: “The apocalyptic Messianism of the masses had induced the theologians to strongly and often quite radically interpret Luria and other texts, in many cases distorting or even inventing texts. It is less a matter of’ inner developments, as Scholem would put it, and more one of external factors that provoked the messianic hermeneutics.” Idel contends that Lurianic Kabbalah was far too complicated for the masses, and consequently not as influential as popular apocalypticism (265ff.).Google Scholar
  20. 20.
    Jacob Taubes goes as far as to argue that far from leading to the Enlightenment Sabbatianism delayed it. See his article, “The Price of Messianism,” in Essential Papers on Messianic Movements and Personalities in Jewish History, ed. Marc Saperstein (New York: New York University Press, 1992 ), 555.Google Scholar
  21. 21.
    Idel, -One from a Town, Two from a Clan’ - the Diffusion of Lurianic Kabbala and Sabbateanism: A Re-Examination,“ Jewish History 7 (1993), 84–85.Google Scholar
  22. 22.
    David Biale, Gershom Scholem: Kabbalah and Counter-History, 157.Google Scholar
  23. 23.
    Idel, Messianic Mystics,251.Google Scholar
  24. 24.
    Moshe Idel, Kabbalah: New Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), ch. 8.Google Scholar
  25. 25.
    Scholem, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism,20; idem, Messianic Idea,1–2. Idel points out that by envisioning kabbalistic symbolism as a reflection of and reaction to historical experience, which Scholem does in On the Kabbalah and its Symbolism (New York: Schocken Books, 1965, 2), he undermines the idea that Kabbalists were escapists. Idel, Messianic Mystics,270.Google Scholar
  26. 26.
    R.J. Zwi Werblowsky, “Messianism in Jewish History,” in Essential Papers on Messianic Movements and Personalities in Jewish History,ed. Marc Saperstein, 48.Google Scholar
  27. 27.
    David Ruderman, Jewish Thought and Scientific Discovery in Early Modern Europe ( New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995 ), 131.Google Scholar
  28. 28.
    Ibid.,120.Google Scholar
  29. 29.
    Ibid.,217.Google Scholar
  30. 30.
    Ibid.,222.Google Scholar
  31. 31.
    This appears in excerpts (Kabbala denudata I,1: 116–18; 185–86; 206–8; 227–8; 235–36; 24142; 272–73; 301–5; 345–46; 359; 430; 441–43; 455–6; 483–85; 625–26; 676).Google Scholar
  32. 32.
    Patai, The Jewish Alchemists (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), ch. 26, 323ff.Google Scholar
  33. 33.
    Scholem, Alchemie und Kabbala,in G. Scholem, Judaica 4 (Frankfurt/M, 1984), 84–8. As Scholem points out, Malchuth is associated with “Goldwasser,” but this in tern is often called Mercury. Other sets of correspondences between the sefirot and metals are described in the treatise as well.Google Scholar
  34. 34.
    Kabbala denudata, I,1: 116; Patai, The Jewish Alchemists,322.Google Scholar
  35. 35.
    William Eamon, “From the Secrets of Nature to Public Knowledge,” in Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, ed. D. Lindberg and R. Westman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 333–365; idem, Science and the Secrets of Nature: Books of Secrets in Medieval and Early Modern Culture ( Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994 ).Google Scholar
  36. 36.
    Cited in Patai, The Jewish Alchemists,8.Google Scholar
  37. 37.
    Bernard Gorceix, La Bible des Rose-Croix (Paris: Presses Universitaires, 1970), lxiii. “Durant cette longue historie [between the medieval and modern world], le rôle qui échoit à l’alchimie est encore très mal connu. Il nous paraît très important. En effet, nous avons déjà dit que l’alchimie était à la fois science et religion, au point de rencontre de l’experience chimique et de l’expérience mystique. Elle établit un parallélisme qui, avec les années, s’affirme de plus en plus nettement, entre la transmutation métallique et les mystères de la foi. De parallélisme va plus loin qu’une simple analogie, telle que la comprenait le Moyen Age traditionnel: la science par excellence décrit ce qu’elle appelle une transmutation, une évolution de la matière vers l’esprit. Ainsi, elle dégage la réflexion sur la matière d’une simple méditation atomistique, pour découvrir en elle la marque de divin, pour énoncer des lois, des règles, des étapes de sa sublimation. Extéieurement, elle proclame l’independence de son effort spéculatif, par rapport à toute orthodoxie, religieuse sur tout. Ces simples considérations théoriques illustrent les relations particulièrement riches qui unissent alchemie et philosophie: l’alchmie favorise le rapprochement d’une analyse théologique et de l’analyse cosmologique. Elle montre Dieu dans le monde, Dieu dans la matière, Dieu dans l’historie. Parce qu’elle formule des phrases définies dans la préparation du grand oeuvre, dans la création du corps spirituel, elle conduit à une réflexion ordonée sur Dieu, sur l’homme, sur le monde. Sans philosophie, elle pose déjà les questions centrales de toute philosophie: la théogonie, la théodicée, les rapports entre esprit et matière. Parce qu’elle s’attache à la description d’une transmutation, d’un sublimation, d’une évolution, elle invite à une philosophie du devenir et de l’histoire. Parce qu’elle proclame la liberté de sa méditation, elle incite la philosophie à affirmer son indépendence: en effet, elle prête à l’homme un rôle éminent, celui d’achever l’oeuvre de nature, d’accélérer revolution historique de la matière vers l’esprit.”Google Scholar
  38. 38.
    Robert Shuler describes the way alchemists from the various Christian denominations could square the practice of alchemy with their religious beliefs. But in doing so, I would argue, they changed the character of their respective religions.This seems to be particularly true of Protestant alchemists and mystics (the two often overlapped), who greatly attenuated the doctrines of human depravity and predestination. R. Schuler., “Spiritual Alchemies of Seventeenth-century England,” The Journal of the History of Ideas 41 (1980), 293–318 ).Google Scholar
  39. 39.
    Richard Westfall, “Newton and Alchemy,” in Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the Renaissance, ed. B. Vickers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 198); Betty-Jo T. Dobbs, The Foundations of Newton’s Alchemy: or, “The Hunting of the Green Lyon” (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975); eadem, The Janus Face of Genius: The Role of Alchemy in Newton’s Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); eadem, “Newton’s Alchemy and his `Active Principle’ of Gravitation,” in Newton’s Scientific and Philosophical Legacy, ed. P.B. Scheurer and G. Debrock (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1988); eadem, The Significance of Alchemy in the Age of Newton,“ in Science, Pseudo-Science and Utopianism in Early Modern Thought, ed. S.A. McKnight.(Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 1992); G. MacDonald Ross, ”Leibniz and Alchemy,“ in Magia naturalis and die Entstehung der modernen Naturwissen-schaften, Studia Leibnitiana 7 (1978), 166–180; Lawrence Principe, The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and his Alchemical Quest ( Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998 ).Google Scholar
  40. 40.
    William Eamon remarks on the “fervent interest in alchemical and `hermetic’ subjects in the early Royal Society” and sees it as part of a Baconian program of research. See his book, Science and the Secrets of Nature: Books of Secrets in Medieval and Early Modern Culture,299. Christopher Meinel points out the close tie between alchemical experiments and evolving theories of matter, remarking on how little seventeenth century atomism contributed to the understanding of material properties and processes. See his article, “Early Seventeenth-Century Atomism: Theory, Epistemology, and the Insufficiency of Experiment,” Isis 79 (1988), 68–103.Google Scholar
  41. 41.
    Yates, Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1964) 448. Principe categorically rejects the idea put forth by some scholars that by the seventeenth century alchemy had become totally divorced from practical experiment (The Aspiring Adept,138ff). Yates herself denied that the occult sciences made any practical contributions to “genuine” science. She suggested that the scientific revolution occurred in two stages, “the first phase consisting of an animistic universe operated by magic, the second phase of a mathematical universe operated by mechanics.” Thus, while the will to science lay in occultism, the actual way of science lay in its rejection (Giordano Bruno,449, 451). More recent assessments of the scientific revolution downplay or eliminate this distinction.Google Scholar
  42. 42.
    In “Alchemie and Kabbalah,” Scholem argues that originally the Kabbalah had nothing to do with alchemy and that whatever elements of alchemy exist in kabbalisic texts were foreign imports. On this point see Idel, “The Origin of Alchemy according to Zosimos and a Hebrew Parallel,” Revue des Etudes Juives 145 (1986), 117–24; Patai, “Maria the Jewess — Founding Mother of Alchemy, Ambix 29 (1982).Google Scholar
  43. 43.
    See, for example, Isaiah Tishby, “Gnostic Doctrines in Sixteenth-century Jewish Mysticism,” Journal of Jewish Studies 6 (1955), 146–52; Joseph Dan, “Jewish Gnosticism?” Jewish Studies Quarterly 2 (1995), 309–28.Google Scholar
  44. 44.
    Elliot Wolfson, “Light through Darkness: The Ideal of Human Perfection in the Zohar,” Harvard Theological Review 81 (1988), 85. See also, Wolfson, “Left Contained in Right: A Study of Zoharic Hermenuetics,” The Journal of the Association for Jewish Studies 11 (1986), 27–52.Google Scholar
  45. 45.
    While Knorr does distinguish between matter and spirit, like van Helmont he sees both as belonging on a continuum. Van Helmont discusses this in his Cabbalistical Dialogue… (London, 1682), which was first published in Latin in the Kabbala denudata, 1, 2: 308ff. Knorr sets forth his view of matter in one of his annotation in his translation Della Porta. Des vortrefflichen Herrn Johann Baptista Portae von Neapolis Magia naturalis… hrg. Von Christian Peganium sonst Rautner gennant (Nürnberg, 1713 ), 12–14 ).Google Scholar
  46. 46.
    Scholem, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism,ch. 7.Google Scholar
  47. 47.
    William Newman, Gehennical Fire: The Lives of George Starkey, an American Alchemist in the Scientific Revolution ( Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994 ), 119.Google Scholar
  48. 48.
    Kurt Goldammer, “Paracelsische Eschatologie: zum Verständnis der anthropologice und Kosmologie Hohenheims,” Nova Acta Paracelsica 5 (1948), 45–85; Paracelsische Eschatologie II, ibid. 6 (1952), 68–102.Google Scholar
  49. 49.
    Kabbala denudata, 1: 116.Google Scholar
  50. 50.
    Herbert Breger, “Elias Artista — A Precursor of the Messiah in Natural Science,” in Nineteen Eighty-Four: Science between Utopia and Dystopia,ed. Everett Mendelsohn and Helga Nowotney (Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Company, 1984), 49–72. Walter Pagel, “The Paracelsian Elias Artista and the Alchemical Tradition,” Medizinhisorisches Journal 16 (1981), 6–19.Google Scholar
  51. 51.
    Cited in Stephen A. McKnight, “The Wisdom of the Ancients and Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis, ” in Reading the Book of Nature: The Other Side of the Scientific Revolution, ed. A.G. Debus and M.T. Walton (Sixteenth Century: Essays & Studies, vol 41. Kirksville, Missouri: Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, 1998), 105, 106.Google Scholar
  52. 52.
    The Ultimate End of Human Life in Post-Expulsion Philosophic Literature,“ in Crisis and Creativity in the Sephardic World,1391–1648, ed. Benjamin R. Gampel (New York: Columbia Press, 1997).Google Scholar
  53. 53.
    Ruderman, A Valley of Vision,15.Google Scholar
  54. 54.
    Idel, Messianic Mystics, 227. See also Idel, Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic (Albany, NY: State University of New York, Press, 1993 ).Google Scholar
  55. 55.
    Idel, Messianic Mystics,228.Google Scholar
  56. 56.
    Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform, 1626–1660 ( London: Duckworth, 1975 ).Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2001

Authors and Affiliations

  • A. P. Coudert
    • 1
  1. 1.Arizona State UniversityUSA

Personalised recommendations