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Abstract

A number of studies on European industrialisation have taken as their starting point the quality of entrepreneurship since, in the last analysis, the decision whether or not to adopt a new technology is made by individual businessmen. For example, it has been argued that the French business environment in the nineteenth century was characterised by a preponderance of family firms reluctant to seek funds for expansion for fear of jeopardising family control, distaining direct competition whenever it could be avoided and drowning in a sea of excess liquidity maintained as a precaution against the social stigma of bankruptcy. Similarly the relative decline of British industry from the last quarter of the nineteenth century has been attributed to the lethargy, conservatism, complacency and amateurism displayed by British entrepreneurs when confronted by the challenge of foreign competition. These entrepreneurial theories of retardation turn on the internal dynamics of business expansion (e.g. the family firm, third generation decline, outmoded traditions of craftsmanship, etc.) as well as upon the general social environment to explain the failure to innovate and expand.

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Notes to Chapter Three

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  47. The budgeted expenditure for the War Department leapt from f 1,629,947 in 1829 to f 12,100,000 in 1831. (Wet 27–12–1828, Staatsblad No. 87, Wet 29–12–1831, Staatsblad No. 38).

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  53. Ibid., 173–175.

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  54. Calculated from Bescheiden betreffende de Geldmiddelen, Vol. II, 376–383.

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  55. See above 46.

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  56. Details of the various laws imposing these taxes together with their main provisions can be found in Bescheiden betreffende de Geldmiddelen, Vol. II, 394–396.

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  58. British Parliamentary Papers 1886, Vol. LX, 201.

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  60. Wet 26–12–1833, Staatsblad No. 72 and 73.

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  64. R.T. Griffiths, `The Role of Taxation in Wage Formulation in the Dutch Economy in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century’ in Ondernemende Geschiedenis: 22 opstellen geschreven bij her afscheid van Mr. H. van Riel als voorzitter van de vereniging Nederlands Economisch Historisch Archief, 262–263. This assumption of the participation rate is admittedly extremely crude but it does at least provide some reference point for comparison. Mokyr, using the same 1:4 ratio with a different set of figures arrives at a similar figure for the share of accijns in workers’ expenditure of 10 per cent or less. Mokyr, Industrialization in the Low Countries, 193.

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  65. Sickenga, Geschiedenis der belastingen in Nederland, Vol. I, 74.

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  66. Wet 16–6–1832, Staatsblad No. 30.

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  67. Sickenga, Geschiedenis der belastingen in Nederland, VoL I, 76–79.

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  68. de Bosch Kemper, Geschiedkundig onderzoek naar de armoede in ons Vaderland, 210–211.

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  69. J. Teijl, `Nationaal inkomen van Nederland in de periode van 1850–1900’, E.H.J.B. XXXIV (1971), 262.

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  70. D. Buddingh, Algemeene statistiek voor handel en nijverheid, Vol. III, 6–11, 14–15, assembles figures for central government expenditure and the size of population of European states in the mid-1840’s. These figures give a good indication of the unfavourable position of the Dutch government (although the figures must be qualified by the element of colonial income in budget expenditure). International Comparison of per capita Government expenditure (guilders). Great Britain Netherlands France Belgium Prussia 24.54 23.81 19.32 12.55 6.6

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  76. Mokyr, Industrialization in the Low Countries, 170–181. The figures appeared earlier in his article `The Industrial Revolution in the Low Countries in the First Half on the Nineteenth Century. A Comparative Study’, Journal of European Economic History, Vol. XXXIV (1974), 385–387.

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  77. The following categories in Brugmans’ Statistieken van de Nederlandse Nijverheid have been removed in making the corrected calculations — Baai, bont en lint, bombazijn, breierijen, cashmir, flanel, garen, garentwijnderijen, haar bereiderij, haar spinnerij, hennepspinnerij, katoengarenfabriek, katoenspinnerij, katoenstoffenfabriek, katoentwijnderij, katoenweverij, lakenfabriek, linnenbandfabriek, linnen(geruit)—fabriek, linnen(pak)—fabriek, linnen(servet)—fabriek, linnenweverij, marseillefabriek, sajetfabriek, tapijt, vlasfabriek, vlashekelarij, vlasspinnerij, wolbreierij, wolkaarderij, wolkammerij, wollenstoffen, wolweverij, wolspinnerij, woltwijnderij, zijden stoffen, zijdetwijnderij and veenderij. The calculations made on the raw data yielded the following results: mean first, median second: (in cents) N. Holland (101, 100); S. Holland (86, 90); Zeeland (83, 83); Utrecht (85, 75); Friesland (77, 76); Groningen (76, 74); Gelderland (62, 60); Overijssel (62, 52); Limburg (57, 53); N. Brabant (56, 58); Drente (71, 80).

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  78. J.J. Roovers, De plaatselijke belastingen en financiën in den loop der tijden. Een historische schets, 52–53.

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  79. Ibid., 62–63.

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  80. Statistiek overzigt van het getal en de opbrengst der in onderscheidene provinciën en het Hertogdom Limburg op 1 Mei 1849 geheven opcenten op ‘s Rijks accijnsen, grond en personeelbelasting enz’, S.S.J.B.., 1851, 203–222.

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  81. Ibid., 220–221. Griffiths, `The Role of Taxation in Wage Formulation in the Dutch Economy’, Table 1, 265.

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  82. See above 53.

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  83. Not only was the level of indirect taxation high in the coastal provinces but in the larger towns, it fell heavily on subsistence items. Taking the towns already used as examples, the precentage of revenue from local taxes and imposts on important items of consumption was as follows: J.L. Bruyn Kops, Over indirecte belasting als middel van plaatselijke inkomsten, 9–13 for Amsterdam, Leiden, Haarlem and Delft. Since this source does not permit a full breakdown to be made for Rotterdam, the data has been calculated from A.R.A., R.A. Zuid Holland, Afdeling Gemeentebegrotingen.

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  84. Mokyr, Industrialization in the Low Countries, 197–201.

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  85. It will be interesting to see how far the picture on wages will be altered by the appearance of D. Damsma, J.M.M. de Meere and L. Noordegraaf, Stattstieken van de Nederlandse nijverheid uit de eerste helft der 19e eeuw Supplement which contains statistics for industrial wages in many of the smaller gemeentes not covered in Brugmans’ two volume survey.

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  86. Mokyr, Industrialization in the Low Countries, 193–197.

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  87. See above, Chapter 2 10–11.

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  96. The provinces presented in this way are North Brabant (1845–1850), Overijssel (1832–1837), Drente (1843–1847), Groningen (1841), and Limburg (1830–1850).

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  97. The exception to these two categories is North Brabant (1830–1844) which gives figures for January, May, September and December only.

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  98. These provinces are Zeeland (1830–1848), Overijssel (1850) and Groningen (1844).

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  99. In this respect Limburg with 35 categories and North Brabant with 25 give the most comprehensice coverage whilst Zeeland and Groningen with 5 give the least.

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  100. This distinction is made by Limburg and North Brabant.

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  101. This distinction is made by Zeeland, Limburg and North Brabant.

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  102. Only Limburg makes this distinction.

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  103. V.G.S., Overijssel, 1835–1848.

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  104. Data can be found for the following towns: Almelo, Deventer, Kampen, Steenwijk, Zwolle (1833–1846 annual averages) V.G.S., Overijssel 1835–1847; Assen, Meppel, Coevorden, Hoogeveen (1847–1850 mid-year to mid-year averages) V.G.S., Drente 1847–1850; Arnhem, Zaltbommel, Culemborg, Nijmegen, Tiel, Zutphen (1847–1850 monthly and annual averages) V.G.S., Gelderland 1848–1851; ‘s-Gravenhage, Rotterdam, Leiden, Dordrecht, Delft, Schiedam, Gouda, Gorinchem (1848–1850 annual averages) V.G.S., Z. Holland 1849–1851; Groningen (1843–1850 annual averages) V.G.S., Groningen 1843–1851; Leeuwarden (1848–1850 fortnightly) V.G.S., Friesland 1849–1851; Middelburg (1830–1850 annual averages) Nieuwe Volgreeks, Vol. XLVI (1904), 31; Leiden (1830–1850 annual and monthly averages) Uittreksels uit berigten van leden correspondenten en Departementen der Ned. Huishoudelijke Maatschappij en van de Provinciale Commissiën van Landbouw in het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden, 1830–1850.

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  113. Ibid., 44–46.

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  114. Ibid., 63–65. It was also the second most expensive canal built in the Netherlands in this period, at the cost of nearly f 4,500,000.

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  120. A.R.A., Steam engine survey 1851.

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  121. Wet 24–2–1815, Staatsblad, No. 18. The routes involved were Amsterdam/Brabant border; ‘s–Hertogenbosch/Luik; Utrecht/Deventer – Amsterdam/Texel (partial); Delft/Maassluis.

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  122. Koninklijk Besluit 25–7–1816, No. 19. See Figure 3:0 for details of routes.

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  123. Wet 20–1–1817, Staatsblad No. 9.

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  124. Koninklijk Besluit 16–7–1829, Staatsblad No. 16.

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  125. G.A. Fokker, ‘Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis en de statistiek der Kunstwegen in Zeeland’, S.S.J.B., 1857, 363–364.

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  126. H.J. van Deventer, ‘Kunstwegen in de provincie Overijssel’ S.S.J.B., 1859, 266.

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  127. C.C.M. Jacobs, `De verkeerssituatie in de 19e eeuw’ in De opkomst van Tilburg als industriestad, ed. H.F.J.M. van den Eerenbeemt, 73–74.

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  128. E. van Voorthuijsen, ‘Kunstwegen in de provincie Utrecht’, S.S.J.B., 1858, 337. 129.Ibid., 341.

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  129. Ibid., 341.

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  130. G.A. Venema, ‘Kunstwegen in de provincie Groningen’, S.S.J.B., 1861, 254. 131.Ibid., 257.

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  131. Ibid., 257.

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  132. Fokker, `Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis en de statistiek der Kunstwegen in Zeeland’, 363.

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  133. van Voorthuijsen, ‘Kunstwegen in de provincie Utrecht’, 339.

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  134. By 1855 North Brabant had spent f 1,215,647 on provincial roads (f 680,848 in the period up to 1848) of which only f 12,828 came from the central government. ‘Eenige bijdragen omtrent de wegen in Noord Brabant’, S.S.J.B., 1859, 345. In Overijssel the breakdown of figures up to 1850 is as follows: van Deventer, ’Kunstwegen in de provincie Overijssel’, 282.

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  135. J.H. Jonkers Nieboer, Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche spoorwegen, Appendix E.

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  138. .Ibid., 42.

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  139. Ibid., 46–51. The most famous example of the havoc which this could cause is afforded by the case of a certain van der Gaag, who lived just outside Delft. He was the owner of a small lane which the railway would have to cross. The railway offered f 100 for the 150 sq. yds. which it required but, backed by a group of protesters, he stuck out for a price of f 20,000 which the company, not unnaturally, was unwilling to pay. Instead it constructed a loop of 530 metres to avoid the land. This, in turn, necessitated splitting the train into two to negotiate the bend. Thus a second engine and driver were continuously on stand-by and a turntable installed so that it could serve the line in both directions.

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  140. Ibid., 52.

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  141. Jonkers Nieboer. Geschiedenis der Nederlandse spoorwegen, 48.

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  142. Hollandse IJzeren Spoorweg Maatschappij, Appendix E.

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  144. Ibid., 37–46.

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  146. J.C. Westerman, Kamer van Koophandel en fabrijken voor Amsterdam, Gedenkboek samengesteld van het 125-jarig bestaan, Vol. I, 265.

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  147. HollandseIJzeren Spoorweg Maatschappij, 73–75.

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  148. See above 66.

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  149. G.A. Rotterdam; Archief Fijenoord, Journaal, 1831, 61.

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  150. See above, 52.

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  151. British Parliamentary Papers, 1886, Vol. LX, 201.

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  152. Relations commerciales de la Belgique et de la France - Observations présentées au parlement par le comité des houillères du couchant de Mons, 26.

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  153. G.A. Rotterdam; Archief Fijenoord, Journaal, 1843.

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  154. A.R.A.Annul Report Gov. Prov. N. Brabant to King, 1843.

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  155. Ibid., Annual Report, 1844.

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© 1979 Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht

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Griffiths, R.T. (1979). Factors in Industrial Retardation. In: Industrial Retardation in the Netherlands 1830–1850. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-1877-6_3

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-1877-6_3

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