Abstract
In every society and every era, socio-economic practices are continually under way to organize, manage or restructure the territorial space as a place for people to live and for production. In other words, this space is the result of social processes of construction, deconstruction and reconstruction.1 Localism was a common feature of such processes in all traditional societies. These were a heterogenous mosaic of more or less isolated, highly diversified and plural socio-spatial units, with virtually independent economies untouched by exogenous influences. Each one of these units was characterized by cultural homogeneity and by ways of life inextricably linked to a space, closed as it was to outside influences, all of which nurtured autarchy, conservatism, traditionalism, ethnocentrism and, altogether, narrow localist visions of socio-economic problems and processes. This gave rise to a cyclical and unfaltering concept of time, life and the course of cosmic phenomena, whose stability was seen in the transformations of the natural world with each coming of the seasons and in the everyday sequence of birth, growth, death and regeneration of all living material.2 In its turn, this meant that the processes of formation and reproduction of society usually occurred within its own specific territory and people’s everyday life ran its course in a local spatial scenario. In this space there developed the socialization process which molded people’s ways of thinking, attitudes or behavior patterns; their habitus, indeed, which placed and identified them socially in relation to self and others.3 There was usually a clear correspondence between the spatial field, in which the socio-vital activity of the population was enacted, and the symbolic-cultural framework which determined people’s behaviourial habitus, as the latter usually developed within the former. This explains the localist character usually manifested by this habitus.
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Nigel Thrift (1996): Spatial Formations (Sage Publications / Theory, Culture and Society); see especially: On the Determination of Social Action in Space and Time.
Francisco Entrena (1992): “Cambios en la concepción y en la organización del espacio rural,” Revista de Estudios Regionales 34: pp. 147–162, pp. 154–155.
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Francisco Entrena (1998): “From the credibility crisis of formal organizations to the re-emergence of the group: an ecosystemic approach,” Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology 26 (1), in press.
Wider approaches to these theories are to be found in Francisco Entrena (1994): “Las nuevas funciones del agro y el desarrollo rural: del productivismo al énfasis en la calidad,” Rivista di Economia Agraria XLIX (2): pp. 318–337, pp. 323–325. See also Johann Graaff (1996): “Changing ideas in Marxist thought in Southern Africa,” Jan K. Coetzee and Johann Graaff, eds., Reconstruction, Development and People (International Thomson Publishing, Durban, Southern Africa ), pp. 83–105.
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For an insight into the dynamic and disruptive nature of this world system, Immanuel Wallerstein’s definition is very useful in, El moderno sistema mundial. La agricultura capitalista y los orígenes de la cconomía-mundo europea en el Siglo XVI, Volume I (Siglo XXI editores, Madrid, 1984.) This author conceives the world system as a social system, a system which has limits, structures, groups, members, rules for legitimation and coherence. Its life springs from of conflicting forces which keep it together by tension and pull it apart inasmuch as each one of the groups strives ceaselessly to model it for its own benefit (p. 489.)
Peter Worsley (1984): The Three Worlds: Culture and World Development ( Weidenfeld and Nicolson, Londres ), p. I.
Norbert Elias (1990): La sociedad y los individuos (Peninsula, Barcelona), p. 188 and following.
Gilles Lipovetsky (1990): La era del vacío. Ensayos sobre el individualism° contemporaneo (Anagrama, Barcelona ), p. 51.
Gianni Vattimo (1986): El fin de la modernidad, Nihilismo y hermenéutica en la cultura posmoderna ( Gedisa, Barcelona), see especially the Introduction and the first session “El nihilismo como destino.”
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Martin Albrow (1996): The Global Age. State and Society Beyond Modernity (Polity Press/Blackwell Publishers Ltd., Great Britain), see especially the Introduction and chapter 9.
Ulrich Beck, in Ulrich Beck, Anthony Giddens and Scott Lash (1995): Reflexive modernization (Polity Press. Cambridge); especially chapters 1 and 4.
Ulrich Beck, in Ulrich Beck, Anthony Giddens and Scott Lash (1995): Reflexive modernization ( Polity Press, Cambridge ) p. 3.
See Julian Steward (1979): Theory of culture change (Urbana: University of Illinois Press). For this author, XX century research has gleaned overwhelming evidence to suggest that particular cultures diverge significantly from one another and do not pass through unilinear stages (p. 28.)
Here I am using the very appropriate title of the 34th International Congress to be held at the International Institute of Sociology, University of Tel-Aviv (Israel), from 1 1 th to 15th of July, 1999.
Anthony Giddens (1996): Mas alla de la izquierda y la derecha. El Futuro de las políticas radicals (Ediciones Catedra, Madrid), pp. 13 and 85.
Ulrich Beck (1992): Risk Society. Towards a New Modernity (Sage Publications, London.) As is well known, the crux of Beck’s argument is that risk has become a central and defining element of today’s society, in such a way that “while in classical industrial society the logic’ of wealth production dominates the ‘logic’ of risk production, in the risk society this relationship is reversed” (p. 12.)
See Emilio Lamo de Espinosa (1990): La sociedad reflexiva. Sujeto y objeto del conocimiento sociologico (Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas/Siglo XXI editores, Madrid.) According to this author, “human beings… have the double capacity to think about themselves and their situation (i.e. to produce/create ethnoscience) and to leam what others say about them and their situations (i.e., to speak and to read)” (p. 166.)
Daniel Bell (1977): Las contradicciones culturales del capitalismo (Alianza Universidad, Madrid). This author points out (pp. 21–22) that this vision of society as a fabric or spider’s web, as a more or less closed system, was deeply embedded in the XIX century imagination. It has also been implicit in some of the theoretical sociological developments of this century, for example in the writings of such outstanding authors as Parsons.
Emilio Lamo de Espinosa (1996): Sociedades de Cultura y Sociedades de Ciencia. Ensayos sobre la condición moderna (Ediciones Nobel, Oviedo ), pp. 136–138.
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Here I take, though not literally, Henri Lefebvre’s (1976) terminology in, La revolución urbana (Alianza Editorial, Madrid). Lefebvre uses the term heterotopy of space to express his conception of the other place, as against the same place, which he considers to be isotopy (p. 45.)
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Entrena, F. (2002). Socio-Economic Restructurings of the Local Settings in the Era of Globalization. In: Preyer, G., Bös, M. (eds) Borderlines in a Globalized World. Social Indicators Research Series, vol 9. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-0940-8_11
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-0940-8_11
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