Abstract
In the present chapter I set out to investigate the chemists’ theories of matter and the fortuna of Boyle’s chemical ideas in late seventeenth-century Europe. Though Gassendi’s and — to a lesser extent — Descartes’s theories of matter influenced late seventeenth-century chemistry, the impact of Boyle’s corpuscular philosophy on continental chemistry was far from insignificant. Given the unsystematic character of his works, their impact in Europe is difficult to assess. Nonetheless, if we confine our investigation to his chemical ideas, the influence of Boyle (which I have already assessed for England), was by no means negligible. Reception of his ideas was diverse and not confined to the practical aspects of his chemistry. As we shall see, in the last decades of the seventeenth century, mainly in France, a number of chemists adopted corpuscular ideas, and only few of them reduced chemical properties to the mechanical principles. Moreover, as a result of Boyle’s criticism of the chemical principles, several chemists adopted the so-called principles as ‘working tools’, and did not consider them as the ultimate constituents of all bodies. This is apparent mainly in the numerous textbooks produced in the last decades of the century. The present chapter takes into account the European chemists’ theories within their national and intellectual contexts.
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Reference
See above, chapter 2, pp. 54–5.
In a letter to Mersenne of 15 April 1630 Descartes wrote: ‘Testudie maintenant en chymie & en anatomie tout ensemble, et apprens tous les iours quelque chose que ie ne trouve pas dedans les livres.’ AT, i, p. 379. Cf. J-F. Maillard, ‘Descartes et l’alchimie: une tentation conjurée?’ in F. Greiner (ed.), Aspects de la tradition alchimique au XVII e siècle (Paris-Milan, 1998), pp. 95–109.
AT, v, p. 237 (letter to Charles Cavendish of 31 March 1649) and AT, vi, p. 9 (Discours de la Méthode).
AT, iii, pp. 130–131. On Descartes’s view of imagination, see J-R. Armogathe, ‘L’imagination de Mersenne à Pascal’, in M. Bianchi and M. Fattori (eds.), Phantasia-Imaginatio (Rome, 1988), pp. 259–72.
“Tria hic habemus, quae pro tribus vulgatis Chymicorum principiis, sale sulphure ac mercurio sumi possunt: sumendo scilicet succum acrem pro sale, mollissimos ramulos oleaginae materiae pro sulphure, ipsumque argentum vivum pro illorum mercurio.” (AT, viii, p. 241).
Phncipia, iv, p. 66, AT, viii, p. 244.
Principia, iv, p. 61, AT, viii, p. 241.
Principia, iv, p. 62, AT, viii, p. 242.
Principia, iv, pp. 69 and 110, AT, viii, pp. 245 and 264.
In his physiological work Descartes adopts the notion of fermentation, though just as an analogy: he claims that vital heat is produced by a process which is analogous to fermentation. See Traité de l’Homme, AT, xi, p. 123 and the letter to Plemp of 15 February 1638, AT, v, pp. 530–1.
A quantitative analysis of the contents of some French chemical textbooks may be found in M. Bougard, La Chimie de Nicolas Lemery (Thurnhout, 1999), pp. 418–28. On chemical textbooks, see also
B. Joly, ‘De l’alchimie à la chimie: le development des “cours de chymie” au XVIIe siècle en France’, in Greiner (ed.), Aspects (n. 2), pp. 85–94 and
L. Principe, The Aspiring Adept. Robert Boyle and his Alchemical Quest (Princeton, 1998), pp. 34–5 and 58–61.
On J. Beguin’s Tyrocinium (1610) see T.S. Patterson, ‘Jean Beguin and his Tyrocinium Chymicum’, Annals of Science 2 (1937), 243–298 and
O. Hannaway and A. Kent, ‘Some new considerations on Béguin and Libavius’, Annals of Science 16 (1960), 241–50.
A. Clericuzio, ‘Carneade and the Chemists’, in Robert Boyle Reconsidered, pp. 82–3. See also Principe, Aspiring Adept (n. 11), pp. 58–62.
See above, chapter two, pp. 42–7.
A. Barlet, Le Vray et methodique cours de la physique resolutive, vulgairment dite Chymie (Paris 16572), pp. 66–7.
Ibid., p. 117
Ibid., pp. 42 and 52–3.
N. Lefebvre, Traicté de la Chymie, 2 vols. (Paris, 1660), i, pp. 6–11. On Lefebvre see Partington, iii, pp. 17–24.
Lefebvre, Traicté (n. 18), p. 15.
Ibid., p. 19. Cf. N.E. Emerton, The Scientific Reinterpretation of Form (Ithaca and London, 1984), pp. 186–7.
Ibid., pp. 21–6.
On Christophle Glaser, see R.G. Neville, ‘Christophle Glaser and the Traité de la Chymie, 1663’ Chymia 10 (1965), 25–52 and Partington, iii, pp. 24–6. Moïse Charas claimed that he (not Glaser) was the author of the Traité de la Chymie, but there is no evidence to confirm Charas’s claim. See M. Bougard, La Chimie (n. 11), pp. 24–6.
Glaser, Traité de la Chymie (Paris, 1668; Ist edn: 1663), p. 7.
Ibid., p. 8.
Ibid., p. 9.
Very little is known of Pierre Thibaut. Evidently he originated from Lorraine. From a laudatory sonnet published in his Cours we know that he was ‘Distillateur ordinaire du Roy’.
Sébastien Matte-La Faveur, Pratique de Chymie (Montpellier, 1671), pp. 4–5. Matte-La Faveur was * Distillateur and Demonstrateur ordinaire de la Chymie’ at the Medical faculty of Montpellier.
On Matte-La Faveur see M. Bougard, Autour de Sébastien Matte-La Faveur. Eclaircissement biographiques sur une famille de démonstrateurs de la chimie à Montpelliers (XVIF et XVIII e siècles (n. p., 1989), and id., La Chimie (n. 11), pp. 126–7.
“Dans un sens relatif un principe est dit volatil ou fixe par rapport aux autres parties du même mixte, ou l’on compare des principes de même nature, par exemple deux differents sels d’un même mixte; ou des principes de differente nature, par exemple le sel & le soufre d’un même mixte. Dans le premier sens on dit qu’un sel est fixe & que l’autre est volatil. Dans le second sens on dit que le mercure est le principe le plus volatil du mixte. Si vous comparez un principe avec celuy d’un autre mixte, vous le pourrez appeler volatil ou fixe selon la fixité, ou la fixité du principe avec qui vous le comparerez. Ains le sel essentiel des plantes, ou le nitre comparé avec le sel armoniac, ou avec le sel volatil de quelque animal, est dit fixe; quoyque le comparant avec les Alkalis il soit volatil. Avant que de passer aux differences particulieres de chaque principe, remarquez que les mineraux ont leurs principes plus fixes que le vegataux & derechef les vegetaux plus que les animaux.” Matte-La Faveur, Pratique de Chymie (n. 27), pp. 13–14.
Bougard, La Chimie (n. 11), pp. 439–55, publishes the text of Lemery’s ‘Remarques sur les Principes’ from the 1687 edition of the Cours, which is to some degree different from the first edition (1675). The 1687 text is not changed in subsequent editions of the work. For a bibliography of Lemery’s works and a comparative analysis of the different editions of the Cours, see Bougard, La Chimie (n. 11), pp. 393–435. On Lemery see also J-C. Guédon, ‘Protestantisme et Chimie: Le milieu intellectuel de Nicolas Lémery’, Isis 65 (1974), 212–228 and
J.C. Powers, ‘Ars sine Arte: Nicholas Lemery and the End of Alchemy in Eighteenth-Century France’, Ambix 45 (1998), 163–89.
“La pluspart des Autheurs qui ont parlé de la Chymie, en ont écrit avec tant d’obscurité, qu’ils semblent avoir fait leur possible pour n’estre pas entendus. Et l’on peut dire qu’ils ont trop bien réüssi, puisque cette Science a esté presque cachée pendant plusieurs siecles, & n’a esté connuë que de tres-peu de personnes. C’est en partie ce qui a empesché un plus grand progrés que l’on eust pû faire dans la Philosophie.” N. Lemery, Cours de Chymie (Paris, 1675) (hereafter as Cours, followed by the date of edition), ‘Preface’ sig. aiif. Descartes’s criticism of the chemists’ language appears in his letter to Newcastle of 23 November 1646: “Je souscris en tout au jugement que Vostre Excellence fait des Chimistes, & croy qu’ils ne font que dire des mots hors de l’usage commun, pour faire semblant de sçavoir ce qu’ils ignorent.” AT, iv, pp. 569–70. Boyle’s less destructive criticism is contained in the Sceptical Chymist, see above, pp. 114–5.
On the language of chemistry see M. Crosland, Historical Studies in the Language of Chemistry (New York, 19782) and
M. Beretta, The Enlightenment of Matter. The Definition of Chemistry from Agricola to Lavoisier (Canton, Mass., 1993).
“Le premier Principe qu’on peut admettre pour la composition des Mixtes est un esprit universel, qui étant répandu par tout, produit diverses choses selon les diverses Matrices ou Pores de la Terre dans lesquels il se trouve embarassé: mais comme ce Principe est un peu Metaphysique, & qu’il ne tombe point sous les sens, il est bon d’en établir de sensibles.” Lemery, Cours (1675), p. 3 (this passage is not changed in subsequent editions).
“L’Esprit qu’on appelle Mercure, est le premier des actifs, qui nous paroist lorsque nous faisons l’Anatomie d’un Mixte: c’est une substance subtile, penetrante, legere, qui est plus en agitation qu’aucun des autres Principes: c’est luy qui fait croistre les Mixtes en plus ou en moins de temps; selon qu’il s’y rencontre en petite ou en grande quantité: mais aussi pour son grand mouvement, il arrive que les corps où il abonde, sont plus subject à la corruption; c’est ce qu’on remarque aux Animaux, & aux Vegetaux. Au contraire, la plupart des Mineraux où il est en petite quantité, semblent incorruptibles.” Ibid., p. 3.
Bougard, La Chimie (n. 11), pp. 439–55 publishes the text of Lemery’s ‘Remarques sur les Principes’ as contained in the 6th edition of the Cours (1687), which is rather different from the first edition (1675). The 1687 text is not changed in subsequent editions of the work.
Clericuzio, ‘Carneades and the Chemists’, Robert Boyle Reconsidered, pp. 84–5.
“Quelques philosophes modernes veulent persuader qu’il est incertain que les substances qu’on retire des mixtes, & que nous avons appellées Principes de Chymie, resident effectivement & naturellement dans le Mixte: ils disent que le feu en rarefiant la matiere dans les distillations, est capable de luy donner ensuite un arrangement tout different de celuy qu’elle avoit auparavant, & de former le Sel, l’Huile & les autres choses qu’on en titre. Ce doute paroist d’abord assez bien fondé; parce qu’il est certain, comme nous le dirons dans la suite, que le feu donne beaucoup d’impression aux preparations, & que bien souvent il deguise tellement les substances, qu’elles ne sont presque plus reconnoissables de ce qu’elles étoint auparavant, mais, il est facile de faire voir que quoy que le feu déguise les substances, il ne forme pas neanmoins les Principes; car nous les voyons et sentons dans plusieurs Mixtes avant qu’ils ayent passé par le feu.”, Lemery, Cours (1683), pp. 6–7. “On trouve aisément les cinq Principes dans les Animaux & dans les Vegetaux, mais on ne les rencontre pas avec la mesme facilité dans les Mineraux: il y en a mesme quelques-uns, comme l’Or et l’Argent, desquels on ne peut pas en tirer deux, ny faire aucune separation, quoy que nous disent ceux qui recherchent avec tant de soin, les Sels, les Soulfres & les Mercures de ces Metaux.” Ibid., p. 9. See also ibid., p. 21, on the volatile salts of plants.
“Je veux croire que tous les Principes entrent dans la composition de ces Mixtes, Mais il n’y a pas de consequence que ces Principes soient demeurez en leur premier état, & qu’on les en puisse retirer; car il se peut faire que ces substances qu’on appelle Principes, se soient tellement embarassées les unes dans les autres, qu’on ne les puisse pas separer qu’en brisant leurs Figures. Si vous meslez par exemple un Esprit acid avec le sel de tartre ou quelqu’ autre alkali, le pointes de l’acide s’embarrassent de maniere dans les Pores du Sel; que si par la distillation vous voulez separer l’esprit acide comme il estoit auparavant, vous n’y parviendrez jamais: il aura perdu presque toute sa force, parce que ses pointes s’estant brisées dans l’effort qu’elles auront fait, n’auront peu conserver la figure aussi penetrante qu’elles avoient.” Ibid., p. 9.
Ibid., p. 6.
Ibid., pp. 25–6.
Ibid., p. 169. Equally mechanical is Lemery’s description of cinnabar (mercuric sulphide): “La cause de ce déguisement du Mercure en Cinabre vient de ce que la partie du soulfre la plus acide penetre le Mercure, & embarasse tellement ses parties, qu’elle arreste l’agitation en laquelle elles estoient.” Ibid., p. 172.
Ibid., p. 9.
Lemery, Cours (1687), p. 582. See also Bougard, La Chimie (n. 11), pp. 166–7.
Lemery, Cours (1687), p. 4.
“Il y a de trois sortes de Liqueurs, qu’on qualifie du nom d’Esprit dans la Chymie, l’Esprit des Animaux, l’Esprit ardent des Vegetaux, & l’Esprit Acide. Le premier, comme l’Esprit de Corne de Cerf, n’est qu’un Sel Volatile Resout par un peu de Phlegme. Le seconde, comme l’Esprit de Vin, l’Esprit de Genievre, l’Esprit de Romarin, est une Huile exaltée, comme nous dirons en parlant des Vins. Et le dernier, comme l’Esprit de Vinaigre, l’Esprit de Tartre, l’Esprit de Vitriol, est un Sel essentiel Acide Resout en fusion par le feu, comme nous prouverons en parlant du Vinaigre et de la distillation du Tartre. On appelle cette derniere sorte d’Esprit, Sal fluor, parce qu’en effet, ce n’est qu’un Sel fluide. Ce trois sortes de liqueurs comprenant tout ce qu’on appelle Esprit.” Ibid., pp. 9–10.
Ibid, p. 11.
François de le Boë (Sylvius), Disputationum Medicarum Decas (Amsterdam, 1663) and O. Tachenius, Hippocrates Chimicus (Venice, 1666). On Tachenius see Partington, ii, pp. 291–7. On Sylvius, see DSB and E.A. Underwood, ‘Franciscus Sylvius and his Iatrochemical School’, Endeavour 31 (1972), 73–6.
F. André, Entretiens sur l’Acide et sur l’Alkali. Où sont examinées les objections de Mr Boyle contre ces principes (Paris, 1677, first edn: 1672).
Ibid., p. 15.
Ibid., pp. 103–5, 131–5.
Little is known about Bertrand, not even his Christian name. He was a member of the Marseilles College of Physicians.
Bertrand, Reflexions Nouvelles sur l’Acide et sur l’Alkali: où apres avoir demontré que ces deux sels ne peuvent pas être les principes des Mixtes, on fait voir le veritable usage qu ‘on en peut faire dans la Physique & dans la Medecine (Lyons, 1683), pp. 2–3.
Ibid., pp. 16; 23, 25; 42; 45–6; 59–72; 76.
Ibid., p. 74.
Ibid., p. 36–8.
Ibid.
Ibid., pp. 3–4; 6.
Ibid., pp. 163–4.
Ibid., pp. 164–8.
See Duhamel, De Consensu veteris et novae philosophiae libri duo, 3rd edition, revised (Oxford, 1669, first edn: 1663), and id., Philosophia vetus et nova ad usum scholae accommodata (London, 16854), pp. 681–742. Jean Baptiste Duhamel (1623–1706) was the first Secretary of the Académie Royale des Sciences (1666–97).
On Duhamel, see D.J. Sturdy, Science and Social Status: The Members of the Académie des Sciences, 1666–1750 (Woodbridge, 1995), pp. 82–6.
“Chymicorum principia non prima, sed ad summum principia secundaria dici possunt [...] tanta in iis [chymicis] vocibus salis, sulphuris, & mercurii ambiguitas, tanta est homonymia, ut res his vocibus subjectae vix designari. Principia chymicorum non sunt actu in mixtis, ea forma, numero, statu, in quo separata conspiciuntur: sed ignis magna ex parte ea procreat.”, Duhamel, Philosophia vetus et nova (n. 58), pp. 743–4.
Samuel Cottereau Duclos (1598–1685), member of the Académie Royale des Sciences, King’s physician became in 1670 assistant to Bourdelin for the mineral waters tests in France. On his life, see D. Todériciu, ‘Sur la vraie biographie de Samuel (Duclos) Cotreau’, Revue d’Histoire des Sciences 27 (1974), 64–7. See also Sturdy, Science (n. 58), pp. 107–9 and Bougard, La Chimie (n. 11), pp. 133–6. His éloge, written by Condorcet, reads: “Notre chimiste sentit même combien l’application de la Physique corpusculaire à la Chimie était vague et fautive; & il s’éleva hautement contre la Chimie de Boyle, qui était uniquement fondée sur cette physique.” Éloges des Académiciens de l’Académie Royale des Sciences, morts depuis 1666, jusq’en 1699 (Paris, 1773), p. 68. It is noticeable that in his éloge of Duclos, Condorcet praises Stahl for making chemistry “une veritable science”. Ibid., p. 67. Condorcet’s éloge is evidently based on Fontenelle’s opposition of Duclos’s chemical research to Boyle’s mechanical views of matter. See Histoire de l’Académie Royale des Sciences (Paris, 1733), i, p. 79. Duclos left a substantial amount of manuscripts, largely contained in the Procès-verbaux of the Académie des Sciences.
See J.G. Stubbs, “Chemistry at the Académie des Sciences” (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University College, London, 1939);
F.L. Holmes, ‘Analysis by Fire and Solvent Extractions: The Metamorphosis of a Tradition’ Isis 62 (1971), pp. 129–148 and
A. Stroup, A Company of Scientists. Botany, Patronage, and Community at the Seventeenth-Century Parisian Royal Academy of Sciences (Berkeley, 1990), pp. 89–102.
Académie Royale des Sciences, Procès-verbaux, 22 Dec. 1666, i, fols. 1–22.
Procès-verbaux, i, fols. 113–114 (16 Avril 1667).
Procès-verbaux, i, fols. 108–167, containing observations on the preparation of the Alkahest. The reference to homogeneous corpuscles occurs on fols. 140v-141r. Duclos’s positive view of the Alkahest for the analysis of plants was criticised by Denis Dodart (1634–1707), physician and member of the Académie des Sciences, see Stroup, A Company (n. 61), p. 97, and Sturdy, Science (n. 58), pp. 184–9.
Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS fr. 1333, fols. 238–262.
Duclos, ‘Dissertation’, Histoire et mémoires de l’Académie royale des sciences, 11 vols. (Paris, 1729–33), iv, pp. 1–40. Duclos’s Dissertation was also published in Amsterdam in 1680.
Procès-verbaux, vi, fol. 64rv(27 April 1669).
Procès-verbaux, i, fols. 36–7, 8; 215–6, 222 (1667 and 1678–9). On Claude Perrault (1613–88), physician and Professor of Medicine at the Sorbonne, see Sturdy, Science (n. 58), pp. 86–7.
Procès-verbaux, vi, fols. 144–45 (1669). See also C. Perrault, La Pesanteur des corps, in C. Perrault and P. Perrault, Oeuvres diverses, 2 vols. (Leiden, 1721), i, pp. 3–10.
On Mariotte, see DSB; R. Taton (ed.), Mariotte Savant et Philosophe (Paris, 1986); Stroup, A Company (n. 61), passim; and Sturdy, Science (n. 58), pp. 110–2.
Mariotte, Essay de la Vegetation des Plantes (Paris, 1676), repr. in Oeuvres de Mr Mariotte de l’Académie Royale des Sciences, 2 vols. (Paris, 1717), i, pp. 121–47.
“Ma premiére hypothèse est, qu’il y a plusieurs principes grossiers & visibles des Plantes, comme l’eau, le soufre ou huile, le sel commun, la salpètre, le sel volatile ou armoniac, quelques terres, & c. Et que ces principes grossiers sont composés eux-mêmes de trois ou quatre principes plus simples, qui sont naturellement joints ensemble; par exemple, le salpétre a son flegme ou eau insipide, son esprit, son sel fixe, & c; le sel comun a son flegme, son esprit, son sel fixe, & c. Et on peut croire ave beaucoup de vrai-semblance, que ces principes plus simples sont encore composés de quelques parties différentes entre elles, tellement petites, qu’on ne peut les appercevoir par aucun artifice, ni determiner quelles sont leurs figures & leurs autres proprietez.”, ibid., p. 121.
Homberg’s chemical views are mainly contained in Histoire et mémoires de l’Académie Royale des Sciences (n. 66), 1702, 1704–6. On Wilhelm Homberg see Partington, iii, pp. 42–7, Holmes (n. 61), pp. 137–8; Bougard, La Chimie (n. 11), pp. 136–9; Sturdy, Science (n. 58), pp. 226–33.
For Boerhaave see DSB; H. Metzger, Newton, Stahl, Boerhaave et la doctrine chimique (Paris, 1930), pp. 191–305;
G. Lindeboom, Hermann Boerhaave, the Man and his Work (London, 1968).
See H. Boerhaave, Elementa Chemiae, 2 vols. (Leiden, 1732).
David van Goorle, Exercitationes Philosophicae quibus universa fere discutitur Philosophia Theoretica (Leiden, 1620), pp. 235–251. On David van Goorle see Lasswitz, Geschichte, i, pp. 332–5 and 455–63 and
T. Gregory, ‘Studi sull’Atomismo del Seicento. II David van Goorle e Daniel Sennert’, Giornale critico della filosofia italiana 45 (1966), 44–63.
Goorle, Exercitationes (n. 75), pp. 313–4; 318.
Ibid., pp. 143–4.
Ibid., p. 247.
Goorle, Idea Physicae (Utrecht, 1651), pp. 51–2.
C. de Waard (ed.), Journal tenu par Isaac Beeckman, 4 vols. (The Hague, 1939–53).
Ibid., ii, pp. 245–6.
“Videntur haec primo a materia prima primae differentiae constitui, ita ut non plures sint differentes figurae quam quatuor; ergo quatuor atomorum figurae constituunt quatuor differentias.” Ibid., i, pp-152–3. “Atomi videntur tantum esse quatuor generum, quorum unum est ex quibus constat terra [...] ita ut pura terra constet ex solis atomis ejus generis.” Ibid., iii, p. 138. As Kubbinga noted, Beeckman refrained from suggesting which were the shapes of the four kinds of atoms, see H.H. Kubbinga, ‘Les premières théories «moléculaires»: Isaac Beeckman (1620) et Sébastien Basson (1621). Le concept d’«individu substantiel» et d’«espèce substantielle»’, Revue d’Histoire des Sciences 37 (1984), 215–33, esp. p. 220.
See H.H. Kubbinga, ‘The first Molecular theory (1620): Isaac Beeckman (1588–1637)’, Journal of Molecular Structure 181 (1988), 205–18.
“Sufficiat dixisse elementorum minima in compositis non solum differre proportione numeri, ut 3 partes ignis, 4 aeris, 3 aquae, 5 terrae, sed etiam differre situ et positione inter se. Sic alia proportio numeri et situs est in hominis venis, alia in nervis, alia in ossibus.” Ibid., ii, p. 70.
Ibid., ii, p. 128.
Kubbinga, ‘Premierès théories’ (n. 82), p. 225.
Besides the spatial arrangement of particles, the other cause of the change in texture is the ratio between particles and vacuola: “Unde colligitur varietatem rerum oriri ex proportionibus vacui et corporis.” Beeckman, Journal (n. 80), ii, p. 238. See also ibid., iii, p. 56.
See P. Dibon, La Philosophie Néerlandaise au siècle d’or (Amsterdam, 1954), p. 206.
T. Verbeek, Descartes and the Dutch. Early Reactions to Cartesian Philosophy, 1637–1650 (Carbondale and Edwardsville, 1992), pp. 5–9. See also Dibon, La Philosophie Néerlandaise (n. 88), passim.
Verbeek, Descartes and the Dutch (n. 89), pp. 13–17.
Ibid., pp. 17–33.
See P. Farina, ‘Il corpuscolarismo di Henricus Regius: materialismo e medicina in un cartesiano olandese del seicento’, in Ricerche sulVatomismo del seicento (Florence, 1977), pp. 119–78. Regius’s Philosophia naturalis was a new edition with small changes of the Fundamenta. It was first published in 1654 and again in 1661.
See for instance the precipitation of mercury: “Mercurius, & omnia metalla in aquis fortibus soluta, in iisque, propter parvitatem dissolutarum particularum, & vehementem aquarum istarum motum, volitantia, adminiculo salis vel calcis tartari injectae, sub specie pulveris ad fundum praecipitantur; quia sal vel calx tartari habet particulas ita conformatas, ut vi ebullitionis, quam excitat, praecipuos spiritus ex aqua forti expellat; & deinde, ut metallorum particulis & aliis salibus, in aqua forti exsistentibus, facile adhaerat, & multas inter se conjungat, quo illae graviores factae, & minus fortiter motae, quam ut a liquore isto possit sustineri, necessario ad fundum subsidunt.” H. Regius, Fundamenta physices (Amsterdam, 1646), p. 128. See S. Matton, ‘Cartésianisme et Alchimie: à propos d’un témoignage ignoré sur les travaux alchimiques de Descartes. Avec une note sur Descartes et Gomez Pereira’, in Greiner (ed.), Aspects (n. 2), pp. 111–84, esp. pp. 124–5.
Verbeek, Descartes and the Dutch (n. 89), pp. 34–40.
For Heereboord see also Dibon, La Philosophie Néerlandaise (n. 88), pp. 116–9.
A. Heereboord, Meletemata Philosophica (Leiden, 1659), pp. 347–51.
C. Hoogelande, Cogitationes (Amsterdam, 1646), pp. 26–8. For Hoogelande see S. Matton, ‘Cartésianisme et Alchimie: à propos d’un témoignage ignoré sur les travaux alchimiques de Descartes. Avec une note sur Descartes et Gomez Pereira’, in Greiner (ed.), Aspects (n. 2), pp. 118–23.
Hoogelande, Cogitationes (n. 97), p. 79: “Fermentatio autem generaliter a nobis defînienda videtur, languidior ac moderatior (velocior enim, ac vehementior, effervescentia dici solet) materiae humidae vel liquidae, vel variarum materiarum commixturae, actio, tamquam tertium quid, sive tertius quidam motus: vel tepidioris externi caloris adminiculo intercedente; vel solius compositionis vel commistionis ratione, ex diversitate motus interni ac insensibili insensibilium particularum a diversitate, tum quantitatis & qualitatis earundem, tum pororum ipsarum substantiarum prodeunte, orta, qua mediante, humidiori fermentandae vel fermentatae substantiae portioni, subtilioris aëris quantitas, vel materiam quaedam aetherea involvitur.” See also ibid., p. 81.
J. Phocylides Holwarda, Philosophia Naturalis, seu Physica Vetus-Nova (Franeker, 1651), pp. 7–8. For Holwarda see Dibon, La Philosophie Néerlandaise (n. 88), pp. 155–7.
Holwarda, Philosophia (n. 99), p. 15.
Ibid., pp. 16–17.
A good account of Sylvius’s iatrochemistry is Partington, ii, pp. 281–90. See also DSB. For Sylvius’s theory of fermentation see Sylvius, Disputationum Medicarum, in Opera Medica (Amsterdam, 1679), pp. 10–13. Sylvius’s doctrine of fermentation was first presented in a disputation of 1659. See Disputatio prima De Alimentorum Fermentatione in Ventriculo (Amsterdam, 1659), repr. in Opera Medica, p. 11: “Mutationem, quam in ventriculo subeunt alimenta, quamque impraesentiarum examinare fert animus, Chylificationis nomine vulgo indigitant; nobis Fermentationis nomen magis arridet ob rationes mox secuturas. Utique duplex mistorum observatur destructio & dissolutio: Altera quidem violenta & subito cum notabili partium dissipatione contingens ab Igne, Ustio dicta; altera vero blanda & lente citra notabilem partium iacturam contingens per Aquam, Fermentatio, vel quando faetor coincidit, Putrefactio vocata.”
On Jacob Le Mort, see Partington, ii, pp. 737–8.
“Ex hisce duobus principiis, fluido nempe & firmo oriuntur sequentia principia chymicorum, quae quamvis videantur externis nostris sensibus, inter se invicem differre, attamen in haec duo, facili negotio concurrunt, & reduci possunt, nempe in spirituosam & aëream aquam & terram spongiosam.” Le Mort, Compendium Chymicum, demonstrans Experimentis & Rationibus brevem & facilem Methodum Operationes accurate & succinte adfinem producendi (Leiden, 1682), p. 5.
Ibid., pp. 6–10. In his Idea Actionis Corporum (Leiden, 1693), pp. 6–7, Le Mort defines the chemical principles as follows: “Primo puncta minima rigida, acuta, quae salia vocantur, secundo oblongae, molles, obtusae & flexiles particulae, sub nomine aquae sese offerentes. Tertio corpora dura, solida, in omnem dimensionem valde extensa, ad motum per se inertia quae terrae vocantur. Ad haec tria omnia reduci posse corpora, eorundemque actiones & figuras.”
“Quod attinet colores, odores, sapores illos a particulis salinis dependere statuimus.” Ibid., p. 10.
Ibid., pp. 37–8.
Le Mort, Chymiae Verae Nobilitas & Utilitas (Leiden, 1696), p. 3.
See W. ten Rhyne, Exercitatio Physiologica (Leiden, 1669), sig. B4r.
For ten Rhyne see A. Hirsch, Biographisches Lexikon der hervorragenden Àrzte 6 vols. (Vienna and Leipzig, 1885–7).
W. ten Rhyne, Meditationes in Magni Hippocratis textum XXIV De Veteri Medicina (Leiden, 1672), pp. 70; 72; 246–53; 303–4; 361.
J.C. Barckhausen, Pyrosophia (Leiden, 1698), pp. 7; 13–15; 33. On Barckhausen (or Barchusen), see Partington, ii, pp. 700–2 and
F. Abbri, Le Terre, l’Acqua, le Arie. La Rivoluzione chimica del Settecento (Bologna, 1984), p. 22.
N. Hartsoeker, Principes de Physique (Paris, 1696), pp. 1–2. On Hartsoeker, see DSB and Partington, ii, pp. 451–4.
Hartsoeker, Principes de Physique (n. 112), pp. 88–95; 99–102.
Hartsoeker, Conjectures Physiques (Amsterdam, 1706), pp. 101–130.
See B.T. Moran, Chemical Pharmacy Enters the Universities: Johannes Hartmann and the Didactic Care of “Chymiatria” in the Early Seventeenth Century (Madison, Wisc., 1991);
See B.T. Moran, id., The Alchemical World of the German Court. Occult Philosophy and Chemical Medicine in the Circle of Moritz of Hessen (Stuttgart, 1991), pp. 50–67;
H. Trevor-Roper, ‘The Court Physician and Paracelsianism’, in V. Nutton (ed.), Medicine at the Courts of Europe. 1500–1837 (London and New York, 1990), pp. 79–94.
Useful information on German chemistry in the late seventeenth century may be found in K. Hufbauer, The Formation of the German Chemical Community (1720–1795) (Berkeley, 1982).
On Glauber see DSB; Partington, ii, pp. 341–61; Debus, The Chemical Philosophy, 2 vols. (New York, 1977), pp. 425–41.
See R. Glauber, Tractatus de natura solium (Amsterdam, 1659).
H.H. Kangro, Joachim Jungius’Experimente und Gedanken zur Begründung der Chemie als Wissenschaft (Wiesbaden, 1968) and
C. Meinel, ‘Der Begriff des chemischen Elementes bei Joachim Jungius’, Sudhoffs Archiv 66/4 (1982), 313–38.
A.G. Billich, Thessalus in Chymicis Redivivus, id est, de vanitate medicinae chymicae seu spagyricae, dissertatio. Eiusdem anatomia fermentationis (Frankfurt, 1640). Ferguson refers to a 1639 edition which I have not been able to find;
H. Coming, De Hermetica Mgyptiorum Vetere et Paracelsicorum Nova Medicina (Helmstaedt, 1648) and
W. Rolfinck, Chimia in artis forma redacta (Jena, 1661).
F. Trevisani, Descartes in Germania. La ricezione del cartesianesimo nella Facoltàfilosofica e medica di Duisburg (1652–1703) (Milan, 1992), pp. 15–17.
On seventeenth-century German philosophy see especially M. Wundt, Die deutsche Schulmetaphysik des 17. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen, 1939);
L.W. Becke, Early German Philosophy (Bristol, 19962), pp. 160–95,
and S. Wollgast, Philosophie in Deutschland zwischen Reformation und Aufklärung (Berlin, 1988). It is apparent that Boyle’s philosophical views attracted the interest of German philosophers, as attested by the debate on the notion of nature, which originated from Boyle’s Free Enquiry into the Vulgarly Received Notion of nature (1686) and involved
G.C. Schelhammer, J.C. Sturmius and Leibniz. See G.C. Schelhammer, Natura sibi et Medicis Vindicata, sive de Natura…. (Kiel, 1697);
J.C. Sturmius (praeses), Exercitatio Philosophica de Natura Sibi Incassum Vindicata (Nordlingen, 1698) and
G.W. Leibniz, De Ipsa Natura (1698).
The publication of Miscellanea Curiosa, sive Ephemeridum Medico-Physicarum Germanicarum Academiae Naturae Curiosorum started in 1670. On the Academia Naturae Curiosorum see J.W. Evans, ‘Learned Societies in Germany in the Seventeenth Century’, European Studies Review 7 (1977), 129–151. Chemistry and medicine played a prominent part in Miscellanea Curiosa: see the contributions, among others, of Philip J. Sachs, J. Langelot, Heinrich Screta and G. Wolfgang Wedel.
See C.W.T. Blackwell, ‘Sturm, Morhof and Brucker vs. Aristotle: three eclectic natural philosophers view the Aristotelian method’, in D.A. Di Liscia, E. Kessler and C. Methuen (eds.), Method and Order in Renaissance Philosophy of Nature (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 381–407, esp. pp. 388–9.
The best account of Becher’s chemistry is still Partington, ii, pp. 637–652, though he paid little attention to Becher’s sources. See also J. Berger, Ideen über die Verwandlung der Stoffe. Chemische Materietheorien und Affinität im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1998), pp. 25–33. For biographical sketch, see DSB and
M. Teich, ‘Interdisciplinarity in J.J. Becher’s thought’, Journal of European Ideas 9, (1988), 145–160. On Becher’s views of politics and economics,
see G. Frühsorge and G.F. Strasser (eds.), Johann Joachim Becher (Wiesbaden, 1993), and
P.H. Smith, The Business of Alchemy. Science and Culture in the Holy Roman Empire (Princeton, 1994). For Becher’s alchemy see Principe, Aspiring Adept (n. 11), pp. 112–3; 173–4.
J.J. Becher, Oedipus Chimicus (Frankfurt, 1664), p. 18.
J.J. Becher, Actorum Laboratorii Chymici Monacensis, seu Physicae subterraneae libri duo (Frankfort, 1669), pp. 42–8.
“Neminem autem spero, ita absurdum fore, ut praefata tria principia aliter quam propinqua & principiata intelligat, nempe pro materia jam proxime ad actum disposita, & licet hoc modo considerentur, tarnen quomodocunque explicentur, improprie sal, sulphur & Mercurius dicuntur, si enim sulphur commune, seu qualecumque intelligas, illud mixtum erit, & hoc de Mercurio & sali communi intelligendum, quae omnia mixta sunt, & ex partibus constant, quae definiuntur, quod debeant esse simplicia, haec vero Paracelsi Principia, non modo mixta, sed & decomposita sunt.” Actorum (n. 126), p. 124. Boyle’s anti-Paracelsian arguments are referred to in Actorum, pp. 457–8.
“Nonnulli credunt, omnia constare ex sale, sulphure et Mercurio; sed ego probabo, omnia, seu potissima mixta, constare ex triplici terra, una vitrescibili, quae salis vicem praebat, matricem et basin, altera pingui, quae sulphur est, compagem, tincturam et tenacitatem dat, tertia subtilis est, et materiam supplet, Mercurius vocatur seu potius Arsenicum. Prima terra dat corpus ac substantiam et hypostasin mixtis, et est duplicis generis; vel calcinabilis, vel vitrescibilis; unde in animalibus ossa, in vegetabilibus cineris elixati, in mineralibus lapides. Secunda terra dat mixtis consistentiam, colorem, saporem etc. et est duplicis generis; consistens vel liquida; unde in animalibus sevum, adeps, axungia; in vegetabilibus oleum, gummi; in mineralibus et metallis sulphur, bitumen. Tertia terra dat mixtis formam, penetrantiam, odorem, pondus, splendorem, lucem, etc. Est quoque duplicis generis, vel pura et tum est terra, vel mixta et tum est salina, in animalibus earn cernimus in eorum salibus volatilibus; in vegetabilibus in illorum aquis destillatis, spiritibus et aquis ardentibus in fuligine; in mineralibus conspicimus earn vel fluidam, ut in argento vivo, vel consistentem, ut in arsenico.” Becher, Alphabetum Minerale, in Tripus Hermeticus Fatidicus (Frankfurt, 1689), pp. 105–7.
Becher, Actorum (n. 126), p. 525.
Ibid., p. 194.
Ibid., pp. 96–7.
Ibid., pp. 348 and 353.
“Noster vero liquor non alia ratione solvat, quam penetrando, & corpora in tenuissimas Atomos redigendo.” Ibid., p. 176.
Ibid, pp. 12–14.
“Aurum communem Mercurium appetit, argentum nitrum amat, quod in nitro sulphur seu terra secunda sit qua argentum ad perfectionem auri indiget, hinc fit, ut singulis solutionibus argenti in spiritu nitri, semper nonnihil auri inveniatur, quare argentum eadem ratione nitrum appetit.” Ibid, pp. 400–1.
J. Dolaeus, Encyclopaedia Medicinae Theoretico-Practicae...(Frankfurt, 1684). On Dolaeus (1638–1707), physician to the Landgrave of Hassen-Cassel, and a member of the Academia Naturae Curiosorum, see Hirsch (n. 109).
M. Ettmüller, Medicina Hyppocratis Chymica (Leiden, 1671), pp. 14–8 and 43–4. (first edn Leipzig, 1670). Ettmüller (1644–1683) was Professor of Botany and Medicine at Leipzig, where he also lectured on chemistry, and a member of the Academia Naturae Curiosorum. See Partington, ii, pp. 298–300.
Ettmüller, Chimia Rationalis ac Experimentalis Curiosa (Leiden, 1684).
Ibid., p. 7.
Ibid., p. 6.
Ibid., pp. 43–5.
Ibid., pp. 46 and 49: “praecipitatio est separatio corporis soluti. Ratio quapropter denuo separate seu praecipitatur corpus a solvente est duplex: primo praecipitatio sit propter porulorum seu spaciolorum in menstruo solventem angustiam, ut particulae non amplius possint contineri in iisdem, secundo, paecipitatio fit propter gravitatem particularum solutarum, ut non amplius in liquore pendere aut revolutare queant.”
D. von der Becke, Epistola ad Praecellentissimum Virum Joelem Langellottum qua Salis Tartaris (Hamburg, 1672), p. 12. On David von der Becke (1648–84), physician from Minden, see Hirsch (n. 109). An extract of von der Becke’s letter to Langellott was published in the Philosophical Transactions, 1673, pp. 5185–93.
Von der Becke, Epistola (n. 143), pp. 13–14.
Von der Becke, Experimenta et Meditationes circa Naturalium Rerum Principia (Hamburg, 1683, first edn 1674). This work was reviewed in Philosophical Transactions, 161 A, pp. 60–4.
Von der Becke, Experimenta et Meditationes (n. 145), pp. 21; 25.
“Terra est matrix seminum, in qua semina explicentur & nutriantur. Quod quidem cunctorum seminorum nutrimentum est Aqua, ab acido seminum fermento modo in plantam, modo in metallum, silicem, pro seminis directione coagulanda. Quid igitur de quinto & ultimo principio Aqua elementali statuendum erit? atque huic ultro soli, titulum veri principu materialis omnium corporum largimur, atque hoc tanto majori jure ipsi competere arbitramur, quanto certius constat solam aquam elementalem in aliud prius reduci non posse.” Ibid, p. 28.
On Jungken, see Partington, ii, pp. 303–4.
Jungken, Chymia Experimentalis Curiosa. Ex principiis mathematicis demonstrata (Frankfurt, 1681), pp. 15–18.
Jungken, Chymia experimentalis, sive Medicus praesenti seculo... (Frankfurt, 1682), p. 3.
Ibid., pp. 7–15.
On Johannes Kunckel (1630–1703), who is known mostly for his works on glass and phosphorus, see Partington, ii, pp. 361–77. Kunckel dealt with the principles of bodies in his Chymische Anmerckungen (Wittenberg, 1677), translated into Latin as Philosophia Chemica (Amsterdam, 1694). See the English translation, An Experimental Confirmation of Chymical Philosophy (London, 1705), p. 14.
Kunckel, An Experimental Confirmation (n. 152), p. 162; 122.
J. Barner, Chymia Philosophica Perfecte Delineata Docte Enucleata & Feliciter Demonstrata (Nuremberg, 1689), pp. 16–8; 29. Willis’s theory is explicitly rejected by Bamer (p. 16). On Barner (1641–86), Professor at Leipzig, see Partington, ii, pp. 377–8.
On George Wolfgang Wedel (1645–1721), physician and antiquarian, see DSB; Partington, ii, 315–7; andHufbauer (n. 115), pp. 165–6.
Wedel, Specimen experimenti chimici novi (Jena, 1682), pp. 8–12 and 58–9.
Ibid., pp. 60–5.
Bohn, Meditationes Physico-chymicae De Aeris in Sublunaria Influxu, Scilicet neque secundum Peripatheticos, nec Chymicos (Leipzig, 1678, 1st edn: 1675), p. 104. On Johann Bohn (1640–1718), Professor of Anatomy in Leipzig, see Partington, ii, pp. 300–2 and Hufbauer (n. 115), p. 165.
Ibid., pp. 56–79; 104.
Bohn, Epistola ad Virum Nobilissimum atque Amplissimum D. Joelem Langellottum, Serenissimi Ducis Holstatiae Archiatrum, De Alcali et Acidi insufficientia pro Principiorum seu Elementorum Corporum naturalium (Leipzig, 1675).
Bohn (praeses), Dissertationes Chymico-Physicae (Leipzig, 1685): Dissertatio prima ‘De corporum dissolutione’, sig. A1V–B2V.
Ibid., sig. d4rv.
J. Stisser, Acta Laboratorii Chemici Specimen Primum (Helmstaedt, 1690), sig. alv-c3r. On Johann Andreas Stisser (1657–1700), MD Leiden and Professor of Medicine and Chemistry at Helmstaedt, see Hirsch, (n. 109)
On Friedrich Hoffmann (1660–1742) see Partington, ii, pp. 691–700; and Hufbauer (n. 115), pp. 168–9. Hoffmann’s views of mercury are in his Exercitatio Medico-Chymica de Cinnabri Antimonii (Frankfurt am Main, 1689).
Hoffmann, Exercitatio acroamatica de acidi et viscidi.. (Frankfurt am Main, 1689), pp. 1–33.
Ibid., pp. 1, 30–33. “Variolas et morbillos inter morbos salinos acres commode referre posse”, p. 30.
Joel Langelot and Emanuel König, Chymia Physica circa corporum Naturalem & Artificialem Statum, in Keras Amaltheias, seu Thesaurus Remediorum e triplici Regno, ed. Emanuele König (Basle, 1693), p. 239. Sulphur is made of large and branched particles, ibid., p. 241.
Ibid., p. 263.
König, Regnum Vegetabile Physice, Medice, Anatomice, Chymice Theoretice, Practice enucleatum... (Basle, 1688), p. 12. Evidently, König’s objection to Boyle is based on a passage of the Sceptical Chymist. As we have seen in chapter four, Boyle did not accept van Helmont’s idea that water is a simple substance — though he was positive about water-colture.
On Bruno’s atomism, see P-H. Michel, ‘L’atomisme de Giordano Bruno’, in La science au seizième siècle (Paris, 1957), pp. 251–63; and
H. Gatti, ‘Notes on Bruno’s atomis’, in C. Lüthy, J. Murdoch and W.R. Newman (eds.), Late Medieval and Early Modern Corpuscular Matter Theory, (1970), forthcoming. For Galilei, see
W.R. Shea, ‘Galileo’s Atomic Hypothesis’, Ambix 17 (1970), 13–27;
U. Baldini, ‘Ta struttura della materia nel pensiero di Galilei’, De Homine 57 (1976), 91–164;
P. Redondi, Galileo: Heretic (Princeton, 1987). On the Galilean school, see
M. Bucciantini and M. Torrini (eds.), Geometria e Atomismo nella Scuola Galileiana (Florence, 1992);
U. Baldini, ‘Il Corpuscolarismo italiano del seicento. Problemi di metodo e prospettive di ricerca’, in Ricerche sull’atomismo del seicento, (Florence, 1977), pp. 1–76. For a survey of Italian atomism see
E. Garin, Dal Rinascimento airilluminismo. Studi e Ricerche (Pisa, 1970), pp. 79–117.
On Fracastoro, see above, p. 10. For Capece, see DBI.
See P. Sarpi, Pensieri Naturali, Metafisici e Matematici (Milano-Napoli, 1996). A reference to Sarpi’s atomism is in Campanella’s letter to Peiresc of 19 June 1636, published in
G. Ernst and E. Canone, ‘Una lettera ritrovata: Campanella a Peiresc’, Rivista di storia della filosofia, 49/2 (1994), 353–66.
F. Liceti, De Spontaneo Viventium Ortu (Vicenza, 1618). On Liceti, see
J. Roger, Les sciences de la vie dans la pensée française au XVIII e siècle (Paris, 19932), pp. 125–7.
Though Galileo’s theory of matter was mechanical, he adopted the notion of igneous particles (ignicoli). See Il Saggiatore (1623), repr. in Le Opere di Galileo Galilei, ed. A. Favaro, 20 vols. (Florence, 1890–1909), vi, pp. 351–2. On Galileo’s ignicoli see E.J. Dijksterhuis, The Mechanization of the World Picture (Oxford, 1961), p. 424.
C. Berigard, Circuli Pisani (Padua, 1661, 1st edn: Udine 1643): ‘De Atomis Democriti’, p. 61. Berigardus was Professor at the Universities of Pisa and Padua, see DBI, Lasswitz, Geschichte, i, pp. 487–98;
N. Badaloni, ‘Intorno alla filosofia di Alessandro Marchetti’, Belfagor 23/5 (1968), 283–316;
M. Bellucci, ‘La filosofia naturale di Claude Bérigard’, Rivista critica di storia della filosofia 27 (1971), 363–411.
Berigardus, Circuli Pisani, (n. 175), p. 131. On Berigard’s notion of semina see Gemelli, Aspetti dell’atomismo classico nella filosofia di Francis Bacon e nel Seicento (Florence, 1996), p. 330.
Berigardus, Circuli Pisani (n. 175), p. 4.
Johann Chrysostomus Magnenus, Democritus Reviviscens, sive de Atomis (The Hague, 1658; first edn: Pavia, 1646) p. 91: “In quovis elemento tria sunt primario consideranda: primo, moles substantialis corporea; secundo, qualitas prima; tertio, appetentia mixtionis.” On Magnenus, see Lasswitz, Geschichte, i, pp. 498–512 and Gemelli, Aspetti (n. 176), pp. 326–9.
“Atomus ignea est entitas corporea, substantialis simplex, & pure homogenea, indivisibilis ex natura sua, calida, & lucida secundum quid, ordinata a natura ad mixtum cum aliis elementorum atomis faciendum: dixi lucida, secundum quid, nam atomi ignae non lucent, nisi certis conditionibus [...] Atomus aquea [...] humida & diaphana. Atomus terrea, frigida & adiaphana.” Magnenus, Democritus (n. 178), pp. 190–1.
See Gemelli, Aspetti (n. 176), pp. 327–9.
Cf. G. Carbonelli, Sullefonti storiche delia chimica e dell’alchimia in Italia (Rome, 1925) and
A. Perifano, L’Alchimie à la Cour de Corne 1er de Médicis: savoirs, culture et politique (Paris, 1997).
See Leonardo Fioravanti, Compendio dei secreti rationali (Venice, 1564). On Fioravanti see
W. Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature (Princeton, 1994), pp. 182–192 and passim;
Z.T. Bovio, Melampigo, ovvero confusione de’ medici sofisti (Verona, 1585). On Bovio see DBI. In his Magia Naturalis (1558, 2nd revised edn 1589) Delia Porta adopted a number of Paracelsian remedies, besides the pseudo-Paracelsian recipe for the unguentum armarium. For Delia Porta, see DBI; Partington, ii, pp. 15–25; and W. Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature, pp. 210–7.
See A. Clericuzio and S. De Renzi, ‘Medicine, Alchemy and Natural Philosophy in the Early Accademia dei Lincei’, in D.S. Chambers and F. Quiviger, Italian Academies in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1995), pp. 175–194 and
P. Galluzzi, ‘Motivi Paracelsiani nella Toscana di Cosimo II e Don Antonio dei Medici: Alchimia, Medicina, Chimica e Riforma del Sapere’, in Scienze, Credenze Occulte, Livelli di Cultura (Florence, 1982), pp. 31–62.
See M. Mönnich, Tommaso Campanella. Sein Beitrag zur Medizin und Pharmazie der Renaissance (Stuttgart, 1990), pp. 86–89
M-P. Lerner, ‘Campanella et Paracelse’, in J-C. Margolin and S. Matton, Alchimie et Philosophie à la Renaissance (Paris, 1993), pp. 379–393. Campanella also rejected atomism as, in his view, it was based on matter only, see Campanella to Peiresc, 22 August 1635, published in T. Campanella, Lettere, ed. V. Spampanato (Bari, 1927), p. 322. See also G. Ernst and E. Canone (n. 172).
Severino rejected Epicurus’s philosophy as impious. See M.A. Severino, Zootomia Democritea, (Nuremberg, 1645), pp. 4–5 and 42. He assumed that all natural bodies are animated (id., p. 34). See also Antiperipatias. Hoc est adversus Aristoteleos de respiratione piscium diatriba (Naples, 1659). On Marco Aurelio Severino see DSB;
C. Schmitt and C. Webster, ‘Marco Aurelio Severino and his relationship to Harvey: some preliminary considerations’ in A.G. Debus (ed.) Science, Medicine and Society in the Renaissance. Essays to honour Walter Pagel, 2 vols. (London, 1972), pp. 63–72 and id.,
C. Schmitt and C. Webster, ‘Harvey and M. Aurelio Severino: A Neglected Medical Relationship’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine 45 (1971), 49–75. Severinus saw Democritus more as a champion of anatomy, than an atomist.
See G.A. Borelli, Delle Cagioni delle Febbri Maligne della Sicilia negli Anni 1647 e 1648 (Cosenza, 1649), pp. 108–28. For the reference to chemical remedies, see pp. 140–1. Borelli explains digestion as the outcome of a chemical process produced by a solvent. On Borelli, see DSB; DBI and
D. Bertoloni-Meli, ‘The Neoterics and Political Power in Spanish Italy: Giovanni Alfonso Borelli and his Circle’, History of Science 34 (1996), 57–89.
Cf. P. Galluzzi, ‘G.A. Borelli dal Cimento agli Investiganti’, in F. Lomonaco and M. Torrini (eds.), Galileo e Napoli (Naples, 1987), pp. 339–55.
G.A. Borelli, De Vi Percussionis (Bologna, 1667), pp. 189 and 236–7, where he speaks of “ignis particulae minimae”. He also refers to “corpuscula magnetica” and to “corpuscula spirituosa”, ibid., p. 242. Borelli’s attack on van Helmont occurs in De Motu Animalium (Rome, 1680), p. 179. The best study of Borelli’s theory of matter is still Lasswitz, Geschichte, ii, pp. 300–28.
G.A. Borelli, De motionibus naturalibus a gravitate pendentibus (Bologna, 1670).
Borelli, De Motu Animalium (n. 188), pp. 261–4.
D. Rossetti, Composizione epassione de’ vetri (Livorno, 1671), pp. 1–14. On Donato Rossetti (1633–1688), see
S. Gomez Lopez, Le passioni degli atomi. Montanari e Rossetti. Unapolemica tra galileiani (Florence, 1997), dealing with the discussions between Geminiano Montanari, a strict mechanist, and Rossetti. See
Montanari, ‘Delia Natura, et Uso degli Atomi’, in S. Rotta, ‘Scienza e pubblica félicita in Geminiano Montanari’, Miscellanea Seicento 2/2 (1971), 187–195.
Rossetti, Composizione epassione (n. 191), p. 16.
Rossetti, Antignome fisico-matematiche (Livorno, 1667). See Gomez Lopez, Lepassioni (n. 191), pp. 97–101.
See M.H. Fish, ‘The Academy of Investigators’, in E.A. Underwood (ed.), Science, Medicine and History, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1953), i, pp. 521–63.
On Tommaso Cornelio (1614–86) see DBI and M. Torrini, Tommaso Cornelio e la ricostruzione della scienza (Naples, 1977).
T. Cornelio, Progymnasmata Physica (Venice, 1663): ‘De ratione philosophandi’, pp. 25–27 and ‘De vita’, pp. 101–2 and ‘De nutricatione’, pp. 79–84.
On Tachenius see Partington, ii, pp. 291–7; on Conti see Ferguson, ii, pp. 173; on Sebastiano Bartoli (1630–1676) see Fisch, ‘The Academy’ (n. 194), pp. 524–5.
L. di Capua, Lezioni intorno alla natura delle mofete (Naples, 1683), pp. 77–80. On di Capua (1617–95), see DBI.
Di Capua, Lezioni (n. 198), p. 139
Ibid., pp. 150–5.
Di Capua, Parere divisato in otto ragionamenti (Naples, 1681).
L. Porzio, Erasistratus, sive de sanguinis missione (Rome, 1682). The characters of Porzio’s dialogue are Erasistratus, Galen, van Helmont and Willis. Lucantonio Porzio, who was Professor of Medicine in Rome, was also connected with the Accademia di Medinacoeli in Naples and with the Academy of Paolo Sarotti in Venice. On Lucantonio Porzio, see
M. Torrini, Dopo Galileo. Una polemica scientifica (1684–1711) (Florence, 1979);
A. Dini, Filosofia della Natura, Medicina, Religione. Lucantonio Porzio (1639–1724) (Milan, 1985). In Venice Porzio performed Boyle’s experiments on air and respiration, see
C. Pighetti, L’influsso scientifico di Robert Boyle nel tardo ‘600 italiano (Milan, 1988), pp. 147–54. Pighetti’s book does not deal with the influence of Boyle’s chemistry.
See P. Rossi, ‘I punti di Zenone: una preistoria vichiana’, Nuncius 13/2 (1998), 377–425. See also Redondi, (n. 170). Atomism was advocated by Francesco d’Andrea, see
M. Torrini, ‘Atomi in Arcadia’, Nouvelles de la République des Lettres, 1984, 81–95;
A. Borrelli, D’Andrea atomista. L’ “Apologia” e altri inediti nella polemica filosofica della Napoli difine Seicento (Naples, 1995).
Cf. Dini, Filosofia (n. 202), pp. 100–110.
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Clericuzio, A. (2000). Corpuscular Chemistry in the Last Decades of the Seventeenth Century. In: Elements, Principles and Corpuscles. Archives Internationales D’Histoire des Idées / International Archives of the History of Ideas, vol 171. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-9464-6_7
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