Advertisement

Abstract

As is known, Margaret Jacob in her book The radical Enlightenment has suggested a link between John Toland and the Traité des trois imposteurs—in fact, contemporaries saw some connection too. The Réponse à la Dissertation de M. de La Monnoye describes the presumed ‘discovery’ of the Traité,found together with the Spaccio della bestia trionfante by Bruno, and remarks ‘I believe it is the same piece the English version of which Toland cause to be printed some years ago, and which carried so high a price.’1 In fact, Toland had the text published because he believed it to be the ancient book on the three impostors. It seems that the author of the Réponse was familiar with certain of Toland’s ideas. I shall not dwell upon the relationship between the Traité and the ideas of the English Deists; thesé are the subject of a paper by Justin Champion elsewhere in this volume. I shall instead restrict myself to an investigation of the environment in which the Traité was published. Its connection with Toland should not be studied in isolation, but as part of the wider intellectual environment which was in close contact with the general English Deist movement. Toland’s possible involvement should be viewed against this background—this will be our subject here.

Keywords

French Press British Library Ancient Book Dutch Republic Great Politician 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

References

  1. 1.
    I quote from the English translation in British Library, Stowe MS 47, fol. 5. 241Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    G. C. Gibbs, `Some intellectual and political influences of Huguenot émigrés in the United Provinces, c.168o-173o’, Bÿdragen en mededelingen betreffende de geschiedenis der Nederlanden, 90 (1975): 265–87, esp. 272–87; E. Hatin, Les Gazettes de Hollande et la presse clandestine aux XVII’ et XVIII’ siècles (Paris, 1865; repr. Geneva, 1964 ).Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    A. Roseberg, Nicolas Gueudeville and his work (1652–172?) (The Hague, 1982 ).Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    E. Carayol, Thémiseul de Saint-Hyacinte, 1684–1746 (Oxford, 1984 ).Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    See the paper by Martin Mulsow in this volume.Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    I quote from the English translation of his work in B. Nieuwentijt, The religious philosopher (London, 1724), 306, viii. The original Dutch work, Het regt gebruik der wereltbeschouwingen, dates from 1715.Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    W. Frijhoff, `Verfansing? Franse taal en Nederlandse cultuur tot in de revolutietijd’, B#dragen en mededelingen betreffende de geschiedenis der Nederlanden,104 (1989): 592–609; C. BerkvensStevelinck, ‘De Hugenoten’, La France aux Pays-Bas: Invloeden in het verleden (Vanen, 1985), 13-49.Google Scholar
  8. 8.
    A. Almagor, Pierre des Maizeaux (1673–1745), journalist and English correspondent for Franco-Dutch periodicals, 1700–1720 (Amsterdam and Maarssen, 1989 ).Google Scholar
  9. 9.
    J. H. Broome, `Une collaboration: Anthony Collins et Desmaizeaux’, Revue de littérature comparée,3o (1956): 161–79. The article has been criticized by J. O. O’Higgins, Anthony Collins: the man and his works (The Hague, 197o), 237–41, who nevertheless admits that there was a close collaboration. ’° O’Higgins, Anthony Collins,209–16 n. 9.Google Scholar
  10. 10.
    Discours sur la liberté de penser: escrit à l’occasion d’une nouvelle secte d’esprits forts, ou de gens qui pensent librement; Traduit de l’Anglois and augmenté d’une lettre d’un medicin Arabe (Londres [The Hague], 1714).Google Scholar
  11. 11.
    O’Higgins, Anthony Collins,206 n. 9. He gives no source; however in 1713, Rousset collaborated with Scheurleer in the translation of another English work, the Atlantis by Delariviere Manley. On Scheurleer, see E. E Kossmann, De Boekhandel te ‘s-Gravenhage tot het eind van de 18e eeuw (The Hague, 1937).Google Scholar
  12. 13.
    See Nouvelles littéraires, II (172o): zo8. This translation has also erroneously been attributed to Justus van Effen.Google Scholar
  13. 14.
    Essai sur l’usage de la raillerie et de l’enfournent dans les conversations qui roulent sur les matières les plus importantes, traduit de l’anglois (The Hague, 171o).Google Scholar
  14. 15.
    See Silvia Berti’s contribution to this volume.Google Scholar
  15. 16.
    Leiden, UB, Marchand 44:1, fol. 17, gives an extract from a letter by Collins to Levier on this project, 1714.Google Scholar
  16. 17.
    J. Swift, Les Trois Justaucorps, conte bleu (Dublin [The Hague], 1721) (It also was part of Recueil des pièce serieuses, comique et burlesques, 1721).Google Scholar
  17. 18.
    E Marchand, Dictionnaire historique ou mémoires critiques et littéraires concernant la vie et les ouvrages de divers personnages distingués particulièrement dans la république des lettres,(The Hague, 1758) 1: 326–7; `Ouvrage aussi criminel, and peut-être même plus pernicieux encore, que les Traités qui font le principal sujet de cet Article’ [sc. `Impostoribus’]; see the Appendix to this volume.Google Scholar
  18. 19.
    Marchand in Leiden, UB, Marchand 71, fol. 31, attributes Le Proselyte en belle humeur and L’Histoire burlesque de la guerre presente—allegedly another translation from Swift—to him. These works have not been identified.Google Scholar
  19. 20.
    E J. A. Jagtenberg, Jonathan Swift in Nederland (1700–1800) (Deventer, 1989), 120–121. Bibliotheque choisie, 6 (1705): 376.Google Scholar
  20. 21.
    W. I. Hull, Benjamin Purley and Quakerism in Rotterdam (Swarthmore, 1941), 87–8 and passim. 3 Dictionary of national biography, xvi: 741.Google Scholar
  21. 24.
    See C. Berkvens-Stevelinck, Prosper Marchand, la vie et !’oeuvre (1678–1756) (Leiden, etc., 1987 ).Google Scholar
  22. 25.
    Leiden, UB, Marchand 2, letters by Fritsch to Marchand, 17 and 25 October 1711 and 15 July 1716.Google Scholar
  23. 26.
    Kossman, De Boekhandel te ‘s-Gravenhage,239–41 n. 12 (on Levier), 128–9 (on Fritsch).Google Scholar
  24. 27.
    C. Berkvens-Stevelinck, `Les Chevaliers de la Jubilation: maçonnerie ou libertinage?’, Quaerendo,13 (1983): 140-47.Google Scholar
  25. 28.
    For the Journal littéraire see the special issue of Documentatieblad werkgroep achttiende eeuw,18 (1986). The personal relationship between the Chevaliers and the Journal has been extensively discussed by Berkvens-Stevelinck, `Les Chevaliers de la Jubilation’, 136–9 n. 24.Google Scholar
  26. 29.
    Leiden, UB, Marchand 2, Collins to Levier, 13 January, ii September (o.s.) and i October 1713. See also n. 15 above.Google Scholar
  27. 30.
    C. Berkvens-Stevelinck, `La Cabale de l’edition 172o du Dictionnaire de Bayle’, in Prosper Marchand et l’histoire du livre (Bruges, 1978), 79–88; Almagor, Pierre des Maizeaux,81—ioi n. 8.Google Scholar
  28. 31.
    R. E. Sullivan, John Toland and the Deist controversy: a study in adaptations (Cambridge, Mass., 1982); S. H. Daniel, John Toland: His methods, manners and mind (Kingston and Montreal, 1984 ).Google Scholar
  29. 32.
    According to the Volumen inscriptionum,`Joh. Tholandus Hybernus’, aged 22, matriculated as a student in theology on i November 1692. He lived `op de lange brugge apud Susannam Dolphijn’ (Leiden, UB, Archief senaat en curatoren, no. 12, fol. 488). Surprisingly, at the annual student censuses, `Joannes Tholandus’ still living at Susanna Dolphijn’s, was registered on 26 March 1693 and 9 March 1694. By March 1695 he had apparently left (Leiden, UB, Archief senaat en curatoren, nos. 64–6). According to his biographers, Toland returned to England in the summer of 1693. However, it cannot be doubted that the matriculation in question is that of Toland.Google Scholar
  30. 33.
    J. Toland Adeisidaemon sive Titus Livius a superstitione vindicatus… annexae sunt eiusdem Origines judaicae (The Hague, 1709).Google Scholar
  31. 34.
    Yet the anonymous Lettre d’un medecin Arabewhich was published together with Collins’s Discours sur la liberté de penser in 1714, is sometimes attributed to him.Google Scholar
  32. 35.
    [J.Toland] Relation des cours de Prusse et de Hanovre avec les charactères des principales personnes qui les composent (The Hague, 1706).Google Scholar
  33. 36.
    Mathaeus Schinerus, Redevoering om de Britten tegen Vrankryk aan te moedigen… with notes by Joannes Tolandus, tr. from Latin by Joannes Krellius (Amsterdam: J. Krellius, 171o).Google Scholar
  34. 37.
    R. H. Vermij, `Tolands eerste brief aan Serena: een episode uit de geschiedenis van het deïsme in Nederland’, Documentatieblad Werkgroep achttiende eeuw, 21 (1989): 13–22.Google Scholar
  35. 38.
    D. R. McKee, Simon Tyssot de Patot and the seventeenth-century background of critical Deism (Baltimore, 1941 ), 45.Google Scholar
  36. 39.
    M. Jacob, `An unpublished record of a Masonic lodge in England, 1710’, Zeitschrift fuir Religions-und Geistesgeschichte,22 (1970): 168–71. The document has been edited by C. BerkvensStevelinck in Quaerendo, 13 ( 1 983): 53 - 7.Google Scholar
  37. 40.
    See B. P. L. Lagarrigue, ` Les Coulisses de la presse de langue française dans les Province-Unies pendant la première moitié du XVIII° siècle d’après la correspondance inédite de Charles de la Motte (1667?-1751), correcteur à Amsterdam’, Documentatieblad Werkgroep achttiende eeuw,22 (1990): 77-110. Google Scholar
  38. London, British Library, Add. MS 4286, fol. 58° (2 August 1707); ‘Je suis faché que vous ayez donne de l’argens a Toland, je crains fort pour vos 2 pieces. J’ai autrefois connu cet homme ici, mais il s’est si mal conduit ici que je n’ai pas voulu le voir dans les voyages qu’il a faits depuis. Il doit ici de l’argent a plusieurs personnes de ma connaissance qu’il n’a jamais pensé a leur payer. J’espère pourtant qu’à présent qu’il est plus riche, il sera plus honnete à votre égard. Vous saves bien aussi qu’il est menteur comme un arracheur des dents.’ On the few other occasions when La Motte mentions Toland’s name, he speaks of him with the same sarcasm; ibid., fol. 83 (23 June 1709): `au reste cet honnête homme, je parle de Toland est encore ici, je ne sai s’il a attrapé quelque chose’; fol. 236 (10 June 1718).Google Scholar
  39. 42.
    See also a letter to Desmaizeaux from Anthony Collins of 10 April 1716; `Pray do me the favour when you see Mr. Toland to ask of him the following books of mine which he has had several years.’ London, British Library, Add. MS 4282, fol. 118.Google Scholar
  40. 43.
    This work has been reprinted in Geneva in 1979. See also A. Rosenberg, Tyssot de Patot and his work, 1655–1738 (The Hague, 1972 ).Google Scholar
  41. 44.
    Leiden, UB, Marchand z, letter from De Beyer to Marchand, 4 July 1745: `On m’avait assuré que le Voiage imprimé à Bourdeaux était du vieux Tissot de Patot, mort il n’y a pas bien longtems à Isselstein. Je vous remercie, Monsier, de m’avoir désabusé. Ces miserable livres font beaucoup de mal.’Google Scholar
  42. 45.
    Rosenberg, Tyssot de Patot, 162–3 n. 43.Google Scholar
  43. 46.
    R. H. Vermij, ‘Een aantekening over de auteur van de “Voyages et avantures de Jaques Massé”’, Documentatieblad Werkgroep achttiende eeuw, 21 (1989): 13–22. Marchand wrote the following on the work: `composée par un écrivain très méprisable, and augmentée par divers autres de mème caractère, and imprimé, non à la Haie, chez un libraire fort amoureux de ces sorts d’impiétez’; Marchand, Dictionnaire historique, 1: 318.Google Scholar
  44. 47.
    Voyages et avantures de Jaques Massé (Geneva, 1979) 209—~5 236–41.Google Scholar
  45. 48.
    Ibid., 169–79: `ce Moïse duquel vous parles, prétendoit être le Seigneur temporel tandis que son Frére Aaron avoit une Domination sans bornes sur leurs Consciences’.Google Scholar
  46. 49.
    Ibid., 468–76.Google Scholar
  47. 50.
    On Du Sauzet, see I. H. van Eegen, De Amsterdamse boekhandel, 168o-1725 (Amsterdam, 1965), 1u: 105–8; and Kossmann, De boekhandel te ‘s-Gravenhage,339. From 1715 to 1718, Du Sauzet lived in The Hague, and before and after that period in Amsterdam.Google Scholar
  48. 51.
    See the edition by S. Berti, Trattato dei tre impostori: la Vita e lo Spirito del signor Benedetto de Spinoza (Turin, 1994), or the older one of the Vie only by J. Freudenthal in Die Lebensgeschichte Spinoza’s in Quellenschriften Urkunden und nichtamtlichen Nachrichten (Leipzig, 1899 ).Google Scholar
  49. 52.
    Almagor, Pierre des Maizeaux, 111–12 n. 8.Google Scholar
  50. 53.
    La Motte to Desmaizeaux, 19 April 1712. London, British Library, Add. MS 4286, fol. 173.Google Scholar
  51. See ibid., fol. 221v (22 June 1717), on the subject of Collins’s work; while he likes the man, he wishes the work had not been written. Cf. Lagarrigue, `Les Coulisses de la presse’, 82.Google Scholar
  52. 55.
    There is a mention of a Vie de Spinosa in a letter by La Motte to Desmaizeaux, 26 August 1712 (London, British Library, Add. MS 4286, fol. 176) but this evidently concerns the life by Bayle.Google Scholar
  53. 56.
    London, British Library, Add. MS 4288, fol. 5v, 24 September 1717.Google Scholar
  54. 57.
    Henri-Albert de Sallengre had been a member of the society which edited the Journal littéraire,but had been removed from it. In the conflict between Marchand and Desmaizeaux he sided with the latter. In 1715–17 he edited a journal called Mémoires de littérature,which was likewise published by du Sauzet.Google Scholar
  55. 58.
    London, British Library, Add. MS 4288, fol. 8, 22 October 1717, `Si vous ne l’avez pas promis à Mr. de Sallengre pour les Mèmoires, vous me ferez plus de plaisir de me le donner; je l’imprimerai en 2 ou 3 Feuilles de suplement. Cette vie sera egalement conservéee, parceque je ferai des volumes complete à mesure que j’en aurai un nombre suffisant.’Google Scholar
  56. 59.
    Ibid., fol. 9, u February 1718.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 1996

Authors and Affiliations

  • Rienk H. Vermij
    • 1
  1. 1.University of GroningenThe Netherlands

Personalised recommendations