Abstract
Caribbean rural communities have been experiencing profound transformations since their own process of formation. They emerged within colonisation processes, with people from different cultures, most of whom were not from the region and did not choose this area voluntarily, but came to live there either by force or by chance. The difficulties of constituting new communities from diversity (from a combination of fragments of the previous cultural configuration from which they had been alienated and necessary elements of their new type of existence) were further exacerbated by colonial domination, which implied unequal valorisation of the different ethnic backgrounds. Caribbean rural communities have had to shape their existence within this complex situation, in the face of the random violence of an exuberant nature, alien to immigrant inhabitants, and in a turbulent history of domination by what were at different periods the most powerful nations of the world, interwoven with the conflicts of an economy defined essentially, from its very inception, by the commercial exchanges of international demands. Faced with uncontrollable changing realities of uncertainty and domination, within a cultural scenery of diversity, the spontaneous investing of communality with new meaning became an essential element of our cultural response to change — an important sphere (within such powerful limitations) for the exercise of freedom — and communality itself a fundamental value.
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Notes
Carmelo Vinas Mey, `Las estructuras agrosociales de la colonización espanola en América’, reprint from Anales de la Real Academia (1969) 46: 173–230, states that “las primeras experiencias fueron agrupar a los indios en pueblos para que vivieran como los labradores cristianos en Castilla” (p. 213). In another work, `La sociedad americana y el acceso a la propiedad rural’, reprint from Revista Internacional de Sociología, nos. 1–4, Vinas argues that “the greater proportion of Spaniards that went to America were peasants (labradores)” p. 66. It is revealing that at least until the first half of the century in the Hispanic Caribbean some of them created or participated in the formation of radically different settlement patterns. Vinas, focusing almost exclusively on state regulations, which he idealises, does not see this phenomenon. On Spain, by the same author, see El problema de la tierra en la Espana de los siglos XVI y XVII (Madrid: Instituto Jerónimo Zurila, 1941).
Julio Caro Baroja, Inquisición, brujeria y criptojudaísmo (Barcelona: Ariel, 1970) p. 17, my translation.
Fray Irrigo Abbad y Lasierra, Historia geografica, civil y natural de la Isla de San Juan Bautista de Puerto Rico (1782) (S.J.: Ed. UPR, 1959) pp. 188–190 (my translation). Similar descriptions for Hispaniola can be found in William Walton, Present State of the Spanish Colonies Including a Particular Report of Hispaniola (1810) and other documents of the time quoted by Emilio Rodriguez Demorizi, Música y baffle en Santo Domingo ( Santo Domingo: Lib. Hispaniola, 1971 ).
This form of “gastronomic” identification was so important in Spain that Jews were called sows (marranos), and in the Balearic Islands they were called chuetas, which means bacon, to poke at the wound.
Ludwig Pfandl, Cultura y costumbres del pueblo espaíiol de los siglos XVI y XVII ( Barcelona: Araluce, 1942 ) p. 256.
Ibid, p. 161.
Salvador Brau, Historia de Puerto Rico ( New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1904 ) p. 158.
I am grateful to my colleague, the ethnomusicologist Luis Manuel Alvarez, for calling the ritual of this tradition to my attention.
E.g. Fernando Picd, Historia general de Puerto Rico, ( S.J.: Huracân, 1986 ), p. 107.
Ramón Marin, Las fiestas populares de Ponce, ( Ponce: Tip. El Vapor, 1875 ).
High-priced clubs complemented, for some time, economic differentiation with other elements of class identification; for example, during the first half of the century, a way to exclude (at least part of the) popular sectors was through one of the most evident sources of identification: skin colour. Only whites were allowed entrance.
More details of this and other aspects of the festivals movement in my article, `De la fiesta al festival, los movimientos sociales para el disfrute de la vida en Puerto Rico’, David y Goliath 54, February, 1989.
The Webster’s Third New International Dictionary of the English Language Unabridged (Springfield, Mass.: A. and C. Merriam Co., 1981) p. 841, dermes the term as “a program of cultural events consisting typically of a series of performances of works in the arts, sometimes devoted tochrw(133) a particular genre and often held annually for a period of several dayschrw(133)// something resembling such” The Spanish usage comes from the American English- J. Corominas, Diccionario critico etimologico de la lengua castellana, vol. II ( Madrid: Gredos, 1954 ) p. 520.
Programme leaflet of the First Breadfruit Festival of Mariana community in the municipality of Humacao, Puerto Rico, 1985 (my translation). The celebration of this festival has continued, and its seventh edition took place during the writing of this essay (1991).
Details in my essay Music, Social Class, and the National Question of Puerto Rico (Washington: The Wilson Center, Latin American Program working paper no. 178, 1989 ). This character is not only Puerto Rican, but part of Caribbean musical tradition. See Kenneth M. Bilby, The Caribbean as a Musical Region ( Wash.: The Wilson Center, 1985 ).
Also recorded by Lydia Milagros Gonzalez in her suggestive essay, ‘Cultura y grupos populares en la historia viva de Puerto Rico hoy’, Centro Bulletin, (CUNY), II: 8, Spring, 1990.
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Quintero-Rivera, A. (1995). The Caribbean Counter-plantation Rural Formation Heritage and the Contemporary Search for Fundamentals. In: van Vucht Tijssen, L., Berting, J., Lechner, F. (eds) The Search for Fundamentals. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-8500-2_10
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