Abstract
We argue that in Germanic languages, predicate NPs always receive case structurally. In some languages (English, Frisian, Danish and Norwegian), the copula verb is itself an accusative case assigner; in other languages (Icelandic, Swedish and German), case features from a higher case-assigner are able to penetrate into the VP containing the predicate NP. Under this view, any apparent case `agreement’ between subject and predicate NP is epiphenomenal, due not to a rule of agreement under coindexation, but rather to the fact that both NPs are dependent on I for case, through Spec-head agreement on the one hand, but under government on the other. The hypotheses that predicate NPs are caseless or that they receive default case are shown to be untenable. The Structural Case Hypothesis is shown to provide a simple account of some complex case alternations in Icelandic.
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Maling, J., Sprouse, R.A. (1995). Structural Case, Specifier-Head Relations, and the Case of Predicate NPs. In: Haider, H., Olsen, S., Vikner, S. (eds) Studies in Comparative Germanic Syntax. Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, vol 31. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-8416-6_8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-8416-6_8
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