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Introduction

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Abstract

In the writings of most American church historians, Theodorus Jacobus Frelinghuysen is accorded a prominent place in colonial religious history. One writer1 refers to him as “the father of American Pietism,” though, in fact, he “fathered” but one school of American pietism. Unfortunately, the structure of his pietism has never been extensively assessed, so that the nature of his role, as well as its place and importance, could never be adequately understood.2 Oddly enough, neither he nor his tradition has been much appreciated by Dutch historians. Frelinghuysen has been a virtually unknown name in the Netherlands. One church historian typifies the situation in commenting that, “for the development of American theology, [the Reformed churches] had little importance.”3 The purpose of this present study is, therefore, twofold: first, to detail the course of Frelinghuysen’s life and ministry, particularly in the context of those factors which shaped his mind and heart; and, second, to analyze his theology and its influence, as nearly as this can be done from the sermons, letters and other sources which remain.

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References

  1. Schräg, F. L., “Theodorus Jacobus Frelinghuysen, the father of American pietism,” in Church history, v. 14 (1945), pp. 201–216.

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  2. The best analysis is in C. H. Maxson’s The Great Awakening in the Middle Colonies, Chicago, 1920. Though Maxson does not stress Frelinghuysen’s dependence upon Lutheran pietism as does Schräg, neither does he attempt to analyze the sources of Frelinghuysen’s thought. The best biographical study is that by the Domine’s descendant,

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  3. Peter H. B. Frelinghuysen, jr., Theodorus Jacobus Frelinghuysen, Princeton, 1938. Unfortunately this biography depends solely upon English-language sources.

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  4. Ridderbos, J., De theologie van Jonathan Edwards, ’s-Gravenhage, [1907], p. 4. There was a brief appreciative article on Frelinghuysen by Derk Buddingh, which appeared in 1853 in the Dordsche stemmen; but, since that time, there have only been short biographical notices, prepared for reference purposes.

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  5. Schrag, “T. J. Frelinghuysen”, pp. 203, 208, 212. Also P. H. B. Frelinghuysen, jr., T. J. Frelinghuysen, pp. 17–18.

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  6. Lang, A., Puritanismus und Pietismus, Neukirchen, 1941. Lang’s analysis of the origins of pietism, beginning in his “Einleitung” (pp. 7–11), is excellent. He notes particularly the original study on this point by Heinrich Heppe in his Geschichte des Pietismus und der Mystik in der reformirten Kirche, namentlich der Niederlande, Leiden, 1879. Both Lang and Heppe show the basic influence exerted upon all 17th and 18th century forms of pietism by the puritans, and particularly William Perkins (1558–1602) and his numerous publications. Both Lang and Heppe refer to him as the “father of pietism.” Albrecht Ritschl’s three-volume Geschichte des Pietismus, Bonn, 1880–1886, also remains a useful study, though his antipietistic prejudices and his German Lutheran perspective leave much to be desired in his first volume, Der Pietismus in der reformirten Kirche. This point has recently been presented for the English-reading student in F. Ernest Stoeffler’s The rise of evangelical pietism, Leiden, 1965. Stoeffler’s book, which only came to this author’s attention after the initial preparation of this study, deals in a most helpful way with 17th century background material. In part it précis Lang and Heppe and would, no doubt, have been frequently cited, if it had been available earlier.

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  7. Schrag, “T. J. Frelinghuysen”, p. 203.

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  8. A classis in the Reformed Church is analogous to a presbytery in the Presbyterian Church. Both organizations are composed of pastors and elders who represent the local churches, and both stand under the higher authority of the synod. It is solely the classis or presbytery, however, which retains the authority to ordain men to the ministry.

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  9. See Ernst Benz, “Ecumenical relations between Boston puritanism and German pietism: Cotton Mather and August Hermann Francke” in Harvard theological review, v. 54 (1961), pp. 159–193. See also the writings of the 18th century New Englander Thomas Prince, who gives an extended account of the German Lutheran pietist movement in his The Christian history, Boston, 1744–1745, v. 2, pp. 262–284.

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  10. The Heidelberg Catechism, published in 1563, has remained the primary catechetical standard for the Reformed churches. The “400th anniversary edition” (Philadelphia-Boston, United Church press, [c. 1962]) has been used for all citations in this study, though the original Latin and German texts have been consistently compared for all quotations. Still the most useful bibliographical study of the early works relating to the Heidelberg Catechism is Johann Christoph Koecher’s neglected Catechetische Geschichte, Jena, 1756. Koecher analyses not only the German Reformed works but all pertinent materials in Latin, English, Dutch and French as well. The slightly expanded Dutch edition (Catechetische historie, Amsterdam, 1763) has been used for this study.

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  11. The Emden Catechism, published in 1552 (eleven years earlier than the Heidelberger), was based on a larger catechism which had been prepared by Johannes à Lasco. The Reformed à Lasco was a Polish nobleman residing in Emden and a prime promoter of the Reformation in East Friesland. His catechism first circulated widely in manuscript form. It was first printed in London in Latin in 1551 and then again in London in 1553 in a Dutch translation prepared for the Dutch refugee church there. The smaller catechism was prepared by Martinus Micronius, pastor to the exiles in London, and was designed largely for use among the children. It was the smaller catechism, however, which gained the wider use.

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  12. The Frisian Catechism, prepared by Martinus Duirsma, his brother Durandus, Augustinus Geukama and Hillebrandus Mentes, was first published in the Frisian village of Dokkum in 1718. Its official title was: Kort ontwerp van de leere der waarheid, die na de godzaligheid is. The catechism survived numerous editions — there was a 12th edition published in Leeuwarden in 1761. Two different shortened editions (both entitled: Kort uittrekzel) were also published. In addition there were abbreviated editions printed in Malay and Singhalese for use in the mission fields.

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  13. Bayly’s book appeared near the beginning of the 17th century. It was followed in 1620 by a Dutch translation by Everhard Schuttenius, and in 1629 by a German translation published in Zurich. Nearly a hundred English editions have been known to have been published, including a miniature edition printed in Amsterdam in 1649.

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  14. Maxson, for example, rarely uses the word when referring to either Frelinghuysen or the Tennents and L. J. Trinterud in his The forming of an American tradition, New York, 1949, dismisses that use of the term.

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  15. See Lang and Heppe for further references on this point.

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  16. Frelinghuysen, T. J., Sermons... translated from the Dutch and prefaced by a sketch of the author’s life, by Rev. William Demarest. With an introduction by the Rev. Thomas de Witt, New York, 1856.

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  17. The same word in German, Frömmigkeit, has been dealt with extensively in a number of excellent studies. In a church-historical survey, beginning with the biblical roots, Karl Haug analyses Die Frömmigkeit des Menschengeschlechts, Leipzig, 1899. Unfortunately, Haug failed to grasp either Reformed piety or Frömmigkeit in the Dutch churches. Though outdated in many respects, it is still a useful introductory study. Less systematic, though more incisive, are the historical essays of Johannes von Walter, collected as Christentum und Frömmigkeit, Gütersloh, 1941. A most valuable collection of articles on the subject is Rechtgläubigkeit und Frömmigkeit, Berlin, 1939, edited by Hans Asmussen. Among the most relevant essays are those written by Asmussen himself. Of great value for the German background is also Ingeborg Röbbelen’s Theologie und Frömmigkeit, Berlin, 1957. Though this study focuses on the Lutheran churches, it provides helpful references to the German Reformed environment in which Frelinghuysen was reared.

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  18. Examples are found in VK 26 (S 373) and VK 60 (S 414).

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  19. Examples are found in VK iv (S 340) and BL 102 (S 244).

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  20. Examples are found in VK 6 (S 349) and VK 26 (S 373); this latter passage is particularly instructive as it shows the weakening effect of Demarest’s generalized translation in a passage of substantial importance.

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  21. A typical example is the translation of godvruchtig which Visscher translates as “godly” (CD 148) but Demarest fuses into his common “pious” (S 64). The Dutch original of this passage is in DP [2] 21.

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  22. S 16.

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  23. S 16.

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  24. This is well documented in E. Doumergue’s De gereformeerde vroomheid volgens Calvijn, Kampen, 1908. See also F. L. Rutgers’ preface to this Dutch translation by Mej. J. C. Rutgers. The French original is entitled: La piété réformée d’après Calvin.

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  25. The Philadelphians traced their origin to Jakob Boehme, though their thought was most explicitly shaped in England by John Pordage and Mrs. Jane Leade. In theory the group was called a “society” and members were expected to retain their regular church membership. In the Netherlands, their ecclesiastical orientation was much more dependent upon their relationship to the Herrnhutters. See W. Lütjeharms, Het philadelphisch-oecu-menisch streven der Hernhutters in de Nederlanden in de achttiende eeuw, Zeist, 1935.

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  26. The Herrnhutters in the Netherlands trace their origin to the movement of Count Nicolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf and the Moravian settlement in Zeist. The struggle between the Herrnhutters and the Reformed was even sharper in the New World than in the homeland. For the use of the churches in New Jersey and Pennsylvania and at their urging, the Classis of Amsterdam sent over copies of Gerardus Kulenkamp’s De naakt ontdekte enthusiastery’, geest-dryvery en bedorvene mystikery der zo genaamde Herrnhuthers, Amsterdam, 1739. Like the Unitarians (Socinians) before them, the Herrnhutters were theoretically not separatists but, rather, strivers after “the unity of the church”. The practical result of their theology, however, was eventually separatism.

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  27. EcR 2665.

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  28. VK 26 (S 373); Kulenkamp, too, expressed concern over the confusion introduced by the erroneous application of the word piëtisten to such groups as “the separatists and the corrupted mystics”. Herderlyke en vaderlyke brief... tot ontdekkinge van, en waarschouwinge tegen de gevaarlyke dwalingen van die lieden, dewelke onder den naam van Hernhthers bekend zyn, Amsterdam, 1738, p. 15.

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  29. The preface to his Een geestelijk mensch, Groningen, 1739. (Issued as part 2 of his Een geloovige, Groningen, 1739.)

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  30. The tract of à Brakel against the pietisten was included in the third and later editions of his Redelijke godsdienst as chapter 43 of volume 1: “Waarschuwende besturing tegen de piëtisten, quiëtisten, en dergelijke afdwalenden tot eene natuurlijke en geestelooze godsdienst onder de gedaante van geestelijkheid.” The edition of the Redelijke godsdienst cited in this study was printed by I. J. Malga in Nijkerk, 1854–1855. The quotation is from. v. 1, p. 527.

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  31. Dieterici, W., Der wahre inwendige und auszwendige Christ, Frankfurt am Main, 1682, p. [xxix].

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  32. Goddelycke aandachten ofte vlammende begeerten eens boetvaerdige gehijligd en liefrijcke ziele, Amsterdam, [preface 1653]. The illustrative plates were engraved by Salomon Savry after the originals of Boëtius à Bolswert and the revised and abbreviated text was possibly prepared by Savry’s wife. The threadbare copy used for this study was brought to New Netherlands by Frelinghuysen’s colleague, Ulpianus van Sinderen.

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Tanis, J.R. (1967). Introduction. In: Dutch Calvinistic Pietism in the Middle Colonies. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-0611-3_1

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-0611-3_1

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