Abstract
The Davis experience may have made a favorable impression upon President Truman, and especially Secretary Dean Acheson, because not long after Acheson took over the reins of Secretary of State, the office of Ambassador at Large was formalized with the confirmation of Philip Jessup on March 1, 1949. This was the first time that anyone had ever been officially confirmed as Ambassador at Large.
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References
In addition to the evidence discussed below, in a letter from Dean Acheson, dated November 5, 1969, he stated that he in fact did initiate the office and the appointment of Jessup to that office.
See: Commission on Organization of the Executive Branch of the Government (Hoover Commission), Foreign Affairs, (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1949), especially pp. 38–43;
ibid., Task Force Report on Foreign Affairs, (Appendix H) (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1949), pp. 2–3, 21–23, and 77.
See James F. Byrnes, Speaking Frankly (New York: Harper & Brothers, Pub., 1947), pp. 245–246.
The New York Times, February 4, 1949, p. 1.
Memorandum from John E. Peurifoy, Deputy Under Secretary of State for Administration, dated February 2, 1949.
The fact that the letter was drafted in the Department of State might indicate that the President was primarily thinking of Jessup’s role as being in the United Nations as stated in his press conference.
“Peurifoy Memorandum,” op. cit.
“Rover,” The New Yorker, April 23, 1949, pp. 17–18.
Ibid., p. 18.
The New York Times, February 25, 1949, p. 14.
See Senior Scholastic, February 23, 1949, p. 9; The New York Times, February 4, 1949, p. 1; and “U.S. Plans a Skilled Corps of Envoys for Global Talks,” The New York Times, February 10, 1949, p. 1.
See Nomination of Philip C. Jessup — Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Foreign Relations, 82d Cong., ist Sess. (Washington: Government Printing Office, September 27, October 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 15, 17 and 18, 1951), p. 812. Hereafter cited as “Jessup Hearings.” The voluminous hearings resulted from Senator Joseph McCarthy’s accusation that Jessup had been associated with communist fronts and had, in fact, joined five of them. Actually Jessup was only one of the so-called “liberals” of the Department of State who had come under Senator McCarthy’s indictment. Jessup’s work on the China White Paper, and the fact that he was a defense witness at the Alger Hiss trial, were additional reasons given for Senator McCarthy’s charges. Newsweek reported that President Truman appeared to welcome the idea of a fight over Jessup. “He wants a showdown with McCarthy, for he believes that it would result in complete vindication of Acheson and the State Department generally. By convention time, President Truman thinks, McCarthy and ‘McCarthyism’ can be turned into Democratic assets.” See “Why Truman Backs Acheson and Why He’ll Push Jessup,” Newsweek, September 24, 1951, p. 20. The hearings, because of their investigative nature, provided an excellent source of information on Jessup’s tenure as Ambassador at Large.
From a copy of the letter Jessup sent to the President which was reproduced by the Department of State, dated December 15, 1948.
See Jessup’s assignments in the United Nations from January, 1948, to February, 1949, in Appendix A.
Bill Davidson, “The Surprising Mr. Jessup,” Collier’s Magazine, July 30, 1949, p. 32.
From a copy of the letter Truman sent to Jessup, reproduced by the Truman Library, dated December 2, 1948.
Unlike the delegation to the General Assembly, which was comprised at the time of five delegates and five alternates, the Security Council delegation was limited by Congressional Act to one representative and one deputy, besides the President and the Secretary of State. See U.S. Statutes at Large, Vol. 59, Part I, p. 619 (1945).
From a copy of the memorandum for the President from Robert A. Lovett, reproduced by the Truman Library, dated December 2, 1948.
Letter from Dean Rusk to Senator John J. Sparkman, chairman of a Foreign Relations Subcommittee, dated October 16, 1951, cited in “Jessup Hearings,” op. cit., p. 954.
Ibid., p. 955.
An interesting anecdote concerning Acheson’s creating an office to keep someone from retiring is described in his memoirs, Dean Acheson, Present at the Creation: My Years in the State Department (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., Inc., 1969), pp. 185–186: “During these months another small incident, intended to have only temporary consequences, produced an institution that has not always been beneficial. On one of his short visits to Washington during the summer Secretary Byrnes told me that our distinguished and much-beloved colleague, Will Clayton, Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs, had asked to be permitted to resign and return to private life. After some discreet inquiries I reported to Mr. Byrnes that, in my judgment, this request did not represent Will Clayton’s wish in any respect. He loved the tremendous challenge of his post and the problems he faced. What was wrong was Mrs. Clayton’s sense of injustice because Will bore the title of Assistant Secretary, while I, whom he had once superseded, carried a higher one. Why not, I suggested, try out the soothing effect on ‘Miss Sue’s’ ruffled feelings of a proposal that Will be made Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs. This must be done carefully, for if proposed to Will Clayton by the Secretary himself, he would turn it down at once, great gentleman that he was, as an encroachment on my position. I assured the Secretary that nothing could impair the harmony with which Will Clayton and I worked together; I asked only to be allowed to handle the matter myself. He agreed. “I went to the Clayton house one late afternoon for a private chat, which I had no doubt ‘Miss Sue’ would overhear. Will and I sat on the terrace behind the house as the sun went down. Disclosing no knowledge of his proposed departure, I said that Mr. Byrnes and I had concluded that his heavy burden would be eased in the bureaucratic in-fighting, and abroad too, by the addition of some rank to his own prestige. Another star had helped even Generals Eisenhower and Marshall. He should be made an Under Secretary of State, which would help me also. A voice from the window above us said solemnly, ‘That is a very sensible idea, Will Clayton. You should accept it.’ Neither of us acknowledged the existence of this voice offstage, but went on with our conversation. In due course, Will agreed and I took my leave. “We had no trouble with Congress, which readily gave the temporary authority for the additional position. When Will Clayton did retire in 1947, his office was allowed to lapse. When it was revived for Douglas Dillion in 1958, it performed a useful purpose in giving prestige to the economic function. But later, when it became merely a second Under Secretaryship, often called Under Secretary for Political Affairs,… it is a fifth wheel, an embarrassment, and should be abolished. The offices men create live after them, the good is oft interred with their purpose.”
See Appendix A for Jessup’s background.
See Appendix B for Jessup’s principal publications.
It is reported by Bill Davidson in “The Surprising Mr. Jessup,” op. cit., p. 68, that Jessup also learned in another way how his theory really tied in with the rules, habits and institutions of people. “In 1927 he wrote a technical volume about ocean fishing rights called The Law of Territorial Waters and Maritime Jurisdiction. He expected the work to be purchased by a few students here and there, but he discovered, to his surprise, that it was selling at a brisk pace at popular bookstores throughout the country. “Intrigued, Jessup looked into this phenomenon. He found that his tome was being bought by tough, decidedly unscholarly characters, who looked like bootleggers. It turned out that they were bootleggers — who were relying on the book for authoritative information on such matters as the 3-mile limit. Jessup’s erudite work is known to this day as ‘The Bootleggers’ Guide.’”
For Acheson’s participation see Acheson, op. cit., pp. 73–86.
See Appendix A for Jessup’s assignments in the United Nations during 1948.
“Office Memorandum,” from the office of United Nations Affairs (UNA), dated February 2, 1949.
Ibid.
Copy of the letter from President Truman to Dr. Jessup appointing him to Ambassador at Large, dated February 10, 1949, reproduced by the Department of State. See also The New York Times, February 10, 1949, p. 1; and Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States-Harry S. Truman, 1949 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1965), p. 130.
Letter from Jessup to Truman and Acheson dated February 4, 1949, found in “Jessup Hearings,” op. cit., pp. 840–841.
Letter from Jessup to Truman, dated February 10, 1949, reproduced by the Truman Library.
Department of State Bulletin, Vol. 20 (1949), pp. 185, 332. This information was also provided by the Department of State in a special memorandum.
See Appendix C for Jessup’s activities as Ambassador at Large.
“Jessup Hearings,” op. cit., p. 812. See also pp. 810–811.
The New York Times, October 22, 1951, p. 6.
The law states that “The President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint a representative of the United States at the seat of the United Nations who shall have the rank and status of envoy extraordinary and ambassador plenipotentiary, shall receive annual compensation…, and shall hold office at the pleasure of the President. Such representative shall represent the United States in the Security Council of the United Nations and shall perform such other functions in connection with the participation of the United States in the United Nations as the President may from time to time direct…. The President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall designate from time to time to attend a specified session or specified sessions of the General Assembly of the United Nations not to exceed five representatives of the United States and such number of alternates as he may determine consistent with the rules of procedure of the General Assembly. One of the representatives shall be designated as the senior representative.” Source: U.S. Statutes at Large, op. cit., p. 619. It is interesting to note that Jessup was appointed to every session of the General Assembly that was held during his tenure as Ambassador at Large except the fifth session in 1950, and this was probably because he was on his Asian trip: (1) Representative of the United States to the third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations held in Paris (appointment during the recess of the Senate), February 21, 1949, and confirmed March 1, 1949; (2) Representative of the United States to the fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, September 14, 1949, confirmed without yea-and-nay vote, September 26, 1949; (3) appointment by President Truman as recess appointment to sixth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations on October 22, 1951; and (4) recess appointment by President Truman as Alternate Representative to the seventh session of the United Nations General Assembly, September 13, 1952.
The sources for the account were: Dean Acheson, op. cit., pp. 207–270; Bill Davidson, op. cit., p. 32, and “Excerpt from the President’s Report to Congress for the Year 1949 on United States Participation in the U.N.,” in “Jessup Hearings,” op. cit., pp. 412–413.
He had been appointed Ambassador at Large at the time, but had not yet received Senate confirmation.
Hearings on this matter have already been referred to above. See “Jessup Hearings,” op. cit.
Jessup stated in “Jessup Hearings,” op. cit., p. 550, that there was no exact transcript of those meetings as in the United Nations in terms of an official report. He said the meetings were considered confidential.
The first Council of Foreign Ministers meeting was held in 1945 in London, and subsequently the Council met in rotation at Paris, New York, and Moscow. The fifth was held in London, December, 1947, so according to the rotation order, the sixth would convene in Paris.
Acheson, op. cit., p. 286.
For a brief account of these meetings see Acheson, op. cit., pp. 286–290.
The New York Times, May 8, 1949, p. 1; May 13, 1949, p. 13; and Department of State Bulletin, Vol. 20 (May 29, 1949), p. 691. The council meetings were held in the Palais Rose, so called because of what The New York Times described as the “acute sunburn” color of the marble pilasters set into its walls. Built by Count Boni de Castellane for his American bride, Anna Gould, the entrance hall and double marble staircase, on which the Garde Républicaine saluted the ministers with ruffles and flourishes on the opening day, embody its Edwardian elegance. My own office had been a bedroom suite, the original furnishings of which had given way to hotel sitting-room and office equipment, except that it lacked a filing cabinet. A bathtub with what appeared to be gold-plated fixtures served that purpose, although classified documents had to be returned each evening to the Chancery. Council meetings were held in the Grand Salon, upon the frescoed ceiling of which satyrs pursued nymphs through clouds without gaining on them even through the double translation of Vishinsky’s longest speeches. French windows looked out on a garden. One day I got a smile out of Vishinsky by passing him a note drawing his attention to two pigeons building a nest and suggesting that they were Picasso’s peace doves come to inspire him.46
See Acheson, op. cit., p. 294.
Ibid., p. 295.
Ibid., pp. 292–293.
Ibid., pp. 299–300. See also “Excerpt from President Truman’s Report to Congress…,” in “Jessup Hearings,” op. cit., p. 413.
Acheson, op. cit., p. 300.
The New York Times, June 29, 1949, p. 7.
The New York Times, March 29, 1950, p. 1; April 7, 1950, p. 5.
The New York Times, April 29, 1950, p. 4.
For a brief account of these meetings see Acheson, op. cit., pp. 390–401.
For a brief account of these meetings see ibid., pp. 440–445. The communiqués are found in Department of State Bulletin, Vol. 23 (October 9, 1950), p. 588 for the Council,
ibid., (October 2, 1950), p. 530 for the Ministers’ meeting.
Dean Acheson, op. cit., p. 553.
Ibid., p. 554.
This account is taken from various reports from The New York Times, March, 1951.
London Observer, October 2, 1960.
The New York Times, March 18, 1951, IV, p. 1; March 20, 1951, p. 1.
Acheson, op. cit., pp. 554–555.
Ibid., p. 554.
Ibid., p. 555.
Ibid., p. 555.
United States Department of State, Press Release, No. 651, July 20, 1951, cited in “Jessup Hearings,” op. cit., pp. 549–550; also in Department of State Bulletin, Vol. 25 (July 30, 1951), p. 187.
See Appendix C.
Letter from Ambassador Jessup, dated November 10, 1969.
United States Relations with China, with Special Reference to the Period 1944–1949 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1949). There is no attempt in this paper to analyze the issue or the report, but only Jessup’s role.
Dean Acheson, op. cit., p. 302.
United States Relations with China…, op. cit., p. xvi.
In an editorial after Secretary Acheson’s announcement, the reasoning was expressed that the “creation of this new advisory group indicates a defensive attitude in the State Department and this attitude has been the response to criticism that arises not out of expressed differences of opinion so much as out of mistrust because no opinions were exchanged.” The New York Times, July 29, 1949, p. 20.
“Jessup Hearings,” op. cit., p. 603.
The New York Times, July 28, 1949, p. 1.
The New York Times, July 31, 1949, p. 23.
“Jessup Hearings,” op. cit., p. 604.
For the letter sent by Jessup, and the list of persons who submitted memoranda, see ibid., p. 605.
For a list of persons who attended the “round table” discussions, see ibid., p. 606.
The New York Times, December 16, 1949, p. 7; and Department of State Bulletin, Vol. 21 (November 28, 1949), p. 800.
Ibid., p. 521.
The New York Times, February 13, 1950, p. 5.
President Truman was living at the Blair House at the time of the North Korean invasion, and the group of men who met often with him as advisers became known as the “Blair House group.” See Acheson, op. cit., pp. 402–425. Besides Jessup, the group included Secretary Acheson, Under Secretary James E. Webb, Assistant Secretaries John Hickerson and Dean Rusk, Secretary of Defense Louis Johnson, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Omar N. Bradley, the service secretaries, and the Chiefs of Staff.
The New York Times, March 28, 1950, p. 4.
The New York Times, April 14, 1950, p. 1.
The New York Times, August 4, 1950, p. 4.
See Dean Rusk’s testimony in “Jessup Hearings,” op. cit., p. 813.
Letter from Jessup, op. cit.
Letter from Acheson, op. cit.
Letter from Jessup, op. cit.
Nearly all of Jessup’s meetings with heads of state were merely ceremonial, much the same as any Ambassador, and most occurred during his tour of the Orient in 1949–1950.
Letter from Jessup, op. cit.
From a copy of the letter addressed to President Truman, dated October 16, 1962, from Ambassador at Large Philip C. Jessup, Truman Library.
He made a statement to this effect in The New York Times, November 7, 1952, p. 8.
From a copy of the letter addressed to Jessup, dated December 2, 1952, from President Truman, Truman Library.
The New York Times, January 25, 1953, pp. 1, 52. According to J. Stewart Cottman, Special Assistant to the Deputy Under Secretary for Administration, in an interview, February 11, 1971, the reason the Ambassador at Large post was dropped when the Eisenhower Administration took over was that Congress indicated that it would go along with the creation of the new office of Deputy Under Secretary for Administration only if the Ambassador at Large position were abolished.
For Ambassador Murphy’s own account, see Robert D. Murphy, Diplomat Among Warriors (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1964). For Dr. Milton S. Eisenhower’s own account, see The Wine is Bitter (New York: Doubleday & Co., 1963).
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© 1972 Martinus Nijhoff, the Hague, Netherlands
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Burke, L.H. (1972). The Office Established Philip C. Jessup: Secretary of State Deputy. In: Ambassador at Large: Diplomat Extraordinary. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-0466-9_2
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