Abstract
The origin of the modified religious views of the Humanists must be sought in Italy, which, in the second half of the 15th century, set the fashion for all cultural life. The new attitude to life of the self-assured and proud citizens of the Italian cities, who more than anyone in the Middle Ages showed a spiritual affinity with the citizen of the Greek polis and the civis romanus, was decisive for the formation of these ideas. Like their spiritual ancestors, they too did not flee from the difficulties and uncertainties of fate into an other world with a miraculously given supernatural salvation as their sole deliverance. These Italians dared to look fortuna in the face, and had accepted the world while trying critically to understand it. They were conscious of having to bear the responsibility of their actions themselves. In the words of Salutati: “it is the act of free will which makes man free ; we deserve no praise for the good which makes us good, but for the good brought about by us, if God gives us the worthiness to work and to perform meritorious deeds.” 1 “The veil of belief, child-like constraint and fancy in which the world was enveloped for those living in the Middle Ages,” says Burckhardt “was first raised in the Renaissance. Man became a spiritual individual, a subject recognizing himself.”2
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References
Quotation from De fato, fortuna et casu: Eugenio Garin, Der italienische Humanismus, translated from the Italian (1947): 26.
Burckhardt, Die Kultur; 99.
Dilthey, op. cit.: 20 ff.
Dilthey, op. cit.: 18.
op. cit.: 416 (Die Funktion der Anthropologie in der Kultur des 16. und 17.Jahrhunderts).
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„Der Drang ins Unendliche, das Nichtverharren können bei irgendeinem Gegebenen und Errreichten, ist keine Schuld, keine Hybris des Geistes, sondern es ist das Siegel seiner göttlichen Bestimmung und seine Unzerstörbarkeit“; Ernst Cassirer, Individuum und Kosmos in der Philosophie der Renaissance: Bibliothek Warburg X (1927): 73.
illam novam ac rudern mundi creationem […] Nostra namque, hoc est humana, sunt, quoniam ab hominibus effecta, quae cernuntur: omnes domus, omnia oppida, omnes urbes, omnia denique orbis terrarum aedificia, quae nimirum tanta et talia sunt, ut potius angelorum quam hominum opera, ob magnam quandam eorum excellentiam, iure censeri debeant. Nostrae sunt picturae, nostrae sculpturae, nostrae sunt artes, nostrae scientiae, nostrae … sapientiae. Nostrae sunt denique… omnes adinventiones, nostra omnia diversarum linguarum ac variarum litterarnm genera, de quarum necessariis usibus quanto magis magisque cogitamus, tanto vehementius admirari et obstupescere cogimur. (Quotation in: Giovanni Gentile, Giordano Bruno e il pensiero del Rinascimento ( s.d.): 175 f.).
Necca A. Robb, Neoplatonism of the Italian Renaissance (1935): 40.
Dilthey, op. cit.: 27.
Erkenntnis von der Bedeutung der körperlichen Vorgänge im Haushalte des Lebens.
Eugenio Garin, “Problemi di religione e filosofia nella cultura florentina del Quattrocento”, Bibliothèque de I’Humanisme et Renaissance, Mélanges Aug. Renandet XIV (1952): 70.
And they were not only plebeians, but both merchants and patricians of the city as well as plebeians […] for the love of God.
Garin, “Problemi di religione”: 71
Robb, op. cit.: 42.
Garin, op. cit.: 72, 76.
two types of virtues: those which purify human acts, which man indicates by the word justice, and those by which we are led to knowledge of truth, that man, by supreme right, calls religion. (Christ. Landini libri quattuor, quoted by: Erwin Panofsky, Studies in Iconology, Humanistic Themes in the Art of the Renaissance (1939): 139)
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Robb, op. cit.: 96 ff.
Rossi, op. cit.: 350, 391; — H. J. Hak, Marsilio Ficino (Thesis Univ. of Utrecht, 1934): 82.
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Eug. Garin, “Lo spirito cristiano di Pico della Mirandola,” in: Pensee humaniste et tradition chrétienne aux XVe et XVIe siècles, Colloques internationaux du centre national de la recherche scientifique, Sciences humaines I (1950): 173.
Giuseppe Toffanin, “La sensibilité chrétienne des grands siècles de l’Humanisme,” Pensée humaniste: 155.
la création d’une éthique de la noblesse humaine: Aug. Renaadet, Dante humaniste (1954): 103.
loc. cit.
Hak, op. cit.: 91-93.
the active intelligence is nothing but God: Ernst Cassirer, “Giovanni Pico della Mirandola,” Journal of the History of Ideas III (1942): 138.
Hak, op. cit.: 89.
Cassirer, “Giov. Pico della Mirandola”: 136.
Dilthey, Anschauung: 46.
R. Bultmann, “Humanismus und Christentum,” Hist. Zeitschrift 176 (1953): 8.
Quoniam si deus ad se rapit mundum, mundusque rapitur, unus quidem continuus attractus est, a Deo incipiens, transiens in mundum, in Deum denique desinens, qui quasi circulo quodam in idem, unde manabit, iterum remeat. Circulus itaque unus et idem a Deo in mundum, a mundo in Deum, tribus nominibus nuncupatur: prout in Deo incipet et allicit: pulchritudo: prout in mundum transiens ipsum rapit: amor; prout in autorem remeans ipsi suum opus coniungit: voluptas. (quotation from Ficino in: Panofsky, Iconology: 141).
Robb, op. cit.: 75 ff.
II Quattrocento: 331.
Translation of Eliz. Livermore Forbes in: The Renaissance Philosophy, edited by E. Cassirer, Paul O. Kristeller and John Randall jr. (1945): 224, 225.
Cf. the quotation on p. 22 above, n. 1.
Hak, op. cit.: 92.
Robb (op. cit.: 108) demonstrates how even Lorenzo the Magnificent, in some of his Laudi shows a seriousness quite opposite all frivolity he displays elsewhere.
Hans Baron, “Franciscan Poverty and Civic Wealth as factors in the Rise of Humanistic Thought,” Speculum XIII (1938): 1–20.
Cassirer, “Giov. Pico délia Mirandola”: 320.
“li semplici naturali sono finite e l’opère che l’occhio commanda alle mani sono infinite: come dimostra il pittore nelle finziani d’infinité forme d’animale et erbe, piante e siti,” (quotation from Trattato delta pittura, in: Cassirer, Individuum und Kosmos: 73).
Cassirer, Individuum: 102.
the shaper and moulder of himself, according to his own judgments and honor.
The Renaissance Philosophy: 225.
the spark of the superior intelligence [with its] own power; Walter Dress, Die Mystik des Marsilio Ficino (1929): 58.
Cf. chapt. III. hereinafter.
Cassirer, Individuum: 45.
climbs up to sublimity … descends to dejection, Hak, op. cit.: 93.
Cassirer, Individuum: 82, 102.
Quotation from a letter of Ficino to Cavalcanti in: Charles Trinkaus, “The Problems of Free Will in the Renaissance and the Reformation,” Journal of the History of Ideas X (1949): 55.
Loc. cit.: 57.
Quotation from Ficino, Epistolae, in: Robb, op. cit.: 70.
op. cit.: 69.
The Renaissance Philosophy: 154 (Introduction to Valla’s letter to Garsia on free will).
Henri Busson, Le rationalisme dans la littérature française de la Renaissance, 1533–1601 (nouv. édition 1957): 55–61 (Busson gives a good summary of Pomponazzi’s ideas: 46-64); — Lucien Febvre, Le problème de I’incroyance au XVIe siècle, la religion du Rabelais (1947): 266.
Bultmann, “Humanismus,” 14.
See p. 15; — Garin, Der italienische Humanismus: 54-58; — Paul O. Kristeller, Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters (1956): 265.
Hak, op. cit.: 98, 99.
friendship among equals (Dress, op. cit.: 199).
be thyself and I will be thine (Cassirer, Individuum: 68).
In his Heptaplus Pico gave an allegorical interpretation of the story of the creation; Landino reads Virgil’s Aeneid as an allegory of the story of Christ; cf. Cassirer, “Giov. Pico della Mirandola”: 137.
Dress, op. cit.: 132; Hak, op. cit.: 104.
Individuum: 329, 330.
Robb, op. cit.: 118. Under the impression of Savonarola’s penitential sermons Benivieni republished his love poems with a commentary in which he interpreted them as an allegory of christian thought.
On Platonic Theology, or on the immortality of the souls and eternal happiness, Florence, 1474.
G. van der Leeuw, Phänomenologie der Religion (1933): 295.
Loc. cit.: 296.
Ernest Renan, Averroés et VAverroisme, essai historique 2 (1861), passim
Cassirer, Individuum: 144 ff.; — Petrus Pompanatius, De i mmortalitate animae, éd. G. Gentile in Testi jilosofici inediti e rati (1925).
Garin, Ital. Humanismus: 172; — Franz Dittrich, Gaspar o Contarini, 1483–1542 (1885): 222, 230.
Garin, op. cit.: 171; — Cassirer, Individuum: 85.
philosophy seeks truth, theology finds it, religion possesses it: Rossi, Quattrocento: 330.
The Renaissance Philosophy (Introduction): 10.
Loc. cit.: 18.
Burckhardt, Kultur der Renaissance: 366; nevertheless he was a superstitious man; on his death-bed he exhorted his friends to serious piety and in particular to belief in immortality and retribution after death.
Cassirer, “Giovanni Pico”: 330.
The Renaissance Philosophy: 274.
Cassirer, Individuum: 84.
Dress, Die Mystik: 124.
all … natural religion is the firmest fundamental of immortality for man; Ivan Pusino, “Ficinos und Picos religiös-philosophische Anschauungen,” Zeitschr. f. Kirchengeschichte XLIV (1925): 521.
damit wir Menschen in Gott verwandelt würden, weil nun die Schranken der Materie durchbrochen sind und der Mensch sich in sein eigentliches Wesen zurückfinden kann (op. cit.: 196; Hak, Marsüius Ficinus: 99).
Dress, op. cit.: 197-199; Hak, op. cit.: 108.
Dress, op. cit.: 214.
non cogit ad salutem Deus homines, quos ab initio liberos procreavit, sed assiduis inspirationibus singulos allicit, quod si qui ad eum accesserint, hos durat laboribus, exercet adversitatibus et, velut igné aurum, sic animum probat difficultate. (quotation from De Christiana religione in Cassirer, Individuum: 70, see also p. 86, 87.
Hak, op. cit.: III; Eug. Garin, (“Problemi di religione e filosofia nella cultura fiorentino del Quattrocento: Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance, Mélanges Aug, Renaudet, XIV (1952): 70-82) says that the philosophy of the Florentines agrees with un cristianesimo ridotto a pura norma di vita, and that Ficino, according to Pulci, has teached: chi tenga la propria legge (that is that law, which is common to all religions) osservando la voluntà di Dio sarà salvato.
Pusino, “Ficinos und Picos Anschauungen”: 532.
Cassirer, Individuum: 138; — Pusino, loc. cit.: 534; — Toffanin,, Storia dell umanesimo II (1950): 116.
Pusino, “Ficinos und Picos Anschauungen”: 519.
Formerly in the church of the Eremitani in Padua, now destroyed.
nel godimento del Summo Bene, al quali si arriva per atto di voluntà piuttosto che del l’intelletto, per via dell’amore (Rossi, Quattrocento: 346).
See the examples given by J. Burckhardt, Die Kultur der Renaissance: 364.
Rossi, Quattrocento: 346.
Pusino, “Ficinos und Picos Anschauungen”: 526.
but the development of the soul and the knowledge of truth which I have always sought above all (Pusino, op. cit.: 528).
Cassirer, Individuum: 47.
Bultmann, “Humanismus und Christentun”: 11.
Cassirer, Individuum: 81; Alfred Doren, Fortuna im Mittelalter und in der Renaissance: Bibliothek Warburg II (1922-3, II Abt.): 135.
Augustin Renaudet, Préreéfortne et Humanisme à Paris, pendant les premières guerres d’Italie, (1494–1517) (nouv. éd. 1953): 141.
Quid aliud Christus fuit nisi liber quidem moralis, imo divinae philosophiae, vivens, de coelo missus, et divina ipsa idea virtutum humanis oculis manifesta. (Dress, op. cit.: 138).
Cassirer, Individuum: 75.
Hak, op. cit.: 98-100.
nicht als das Nebeneinander dreier “Naturen” in einer an sich einfachen Substanz, sondern als die kontinuierliche Einheit einer Entwicklung (Cassirer, Individuum: 95).
Cassirer, “Giovanni Pico della Mirandola”: 139.
See for what follows: L. Gauthier Pignal, Pico de la Mirandole (1937): 130 ff.; — Eugenio Anagnine, Giov. Pico della Mirandola, sincretismo religioso-filosofico (1937): 33-45.
Anagnine, op. cit.: 69.
Pusino, “Ficinos und Picos Anschauungen”: 537; — Engelbert Monnerjahn, “Zum Begriff der theologischen Unklarheit im Humanismus”: Festgabe Joseph Lortz I (1958): 297.
Hak, op. cit.: 113; — it is noteworthy, that Ficino in his sermons (partly published in Opera) never mentions the principal dogmas of the Church, they all are moral admonitions and warnings, that could be given by a disciple of the ancients as well as by a Christian priest (Kristeller, Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters: 115 ff)..
Hak, op. cit.: 50.
Hak, op. cit.: 107-112.
Raymond Marcel, “L’apolétique de Marsile Ficin (Pensée humaniste et tradition chrétienne 1): 160.
Hak, op. cit.: 52.
die Gebildeten unter ihren Verächtern.
Quotation from Opera I: 1, in: Marcel, “L’apolétique”: 162.
Panofsky, Iconology: 140; Ficino calls Plato “the Greek speaking Moses.”
intellectus voluntatem illuminet, voluntas intellectum accendat, […] Nostrum vero rete est platonica ratio quae quidem si modo rite trahitur sub Christiana veritate, non scinditur, sed permanet intégra dum impletur. (Mars. Ficino, Liber de Christiana religione, Opera, Parisiis 1641, fo 1; comp. Marcel, “L’apologétique: 165; — Hak, op. cit.: 96).
G. Toffanin, “La sensibilité chrétienne”: 155.
Burckhardt, Die Kultur: 366.
A. Doren, Fortuna im Mittelalter: 121.
Doren, op. cit.: 115.
Doren, op. cit.: 122-128.
Hans Baron, “Willensfreiheit und Astrologie bei Mars. Ficino und Pico della Mirandola,” Kultur-und Universalgeschichte … Walter Goetz dargebracht (1927): 145–169.
Ernst Walser, Lebens-und Glaubensprobleme aus dem Zeitalter der Renaissance: die Religion des Luigi Pulci, ihre Quellen und ihre Bedeutung (1926): 39.
The above-mentioned spiriti and angels must be distinguished in nature from these.
Cassirer, “Giov. Pico della Mirandola”: 344.
For Pomponazzi see: The Renaissance Philosophy: 277; — Cassirer, loc. cit.: 344.
non tarnen sunt eorum dicta ita firmae authoritatis et immobilitatis, ut eis contradicere non liceat et circa ea dubitare. (Cassirer, loc. cit.: 325; — Anagnine, Pico delta Mirandola: 45 ff.
Garin, Italienische Humanismus: 127.
Burckhardt, Die Kultur der Renaissance: 401.
Cassirer, Individuum: 75.
Pusino, “Ficinos und Picos Anschauungen:” 508.
Ibidem: 530.
factum est, ut pia philosophia quondam et apud Persas sub Zoroaster et apud Aegyptios sub Mercurio nasceretur, utrobique sibimet consona, nutriretur deinde apud Thraces sub Orpheo atque Aglaophemo, adolesceret quoque mox sub Pythagora apud Graecos et Italos, tandem vero a divo Piatone consummaretur Athenis (Garin, Italien, Humanismus: 109, cf. also: 107).
Burckhardt, Die Kultur der Renaissance: 365.
Richard Copley Christie, Etienne Dolet, le martyr de la Renaissance (1886): 14.
Annotation of Ludwig Geiger in his edition of Burckhardt, Die Kultur der Renaissance II (1919): 176.
Burckhardt, Kultur der Renaissance: Gesamtausgabe V: 402.
Ernst Cassirer, “Die platonische Renaissance in England und die Schule von Cambridge,” Studien der Bibliothek Warburg (1932): 61–68 (the quotation is from Augustine).
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van Gelder, H.A.E. (1961). The Italian Humanists and the Christian Doctrine of Salvation. In: The Two Reformations in the 16th Century. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-9562-1_2
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