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Trade in the Indonesian Archipelago not Centred Exclusively on Malacca

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Asian Trade and European Influence

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Abstract

Pasè and Pidië have already been discussed in connection with the fact that they were two of the small states which managed to remain independent of Malacca.1

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Reference

  1. See p. 32–34.

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  2. According to Pires, in its time Pasè had a population of 20,000 (Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 143).

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  3. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 144.

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  4. Ibid., p. 139. One consequence of the Portuguese capture of Malacca was that Pidië’s pepper production decreased so drastically that it failed to exceed 2,000 to 3,000 bahar (Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 140 ).

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  5. Jan Huygen van Linschoten, Itinerario I, p. 77. Linschoten estimates that Bantam could supply 4,000 to 5,000 quintals (r quintal = zoo lbs).

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  6. J. E. Heeres, Corpus Diplomaticum I, p. 20.

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  7. Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch-Indië III, p. 385.

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  8. The text of the relevant passage in Empoli’s letter does not make it entirely clear whether the total export of pepper from Sumatra is meant or only the amount that was exported to China. It is true that the passage occurs in a section that refers exclusively to the trade of the Chinese, but at the same time Empoli records the size of pepper exports from the Malabar coast and there he is not referring to exports to China (letter from Giovanni da Empoli, 22 October r516, in Archivio Storico Italiano III (1846), p. 87. I am indebted to Mr. W. H. Avelingh for the translation of this letter ). Sumatra’s pepper exports were therefore considerably higher at this period than those of the Malabar coast.

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  9. According to Giovanni da Empoli, the king of Pasè promised the Portuguese the total silk export of his country which, up till then, had been acquired by the Gujarati in exchange for cloth from Cambay and other merchandise to the value of roo,000 ducats ( Giovanni da Empoli, Archivio Storico Italiano III (1846), P. 73 ).

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  10. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 144.

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  11. Ibid., p. 139.

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  12. See p. 20.

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  13. Lancharas = type of small ship.

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  14. Yule, Marco Polo, II, p. 300, 3o1; Yule, Cathay II, p. 246; Rouffaer, “Malaka,” p. 158. 25. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 138.

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  15. Ibid., p. 138, 139.

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  16. Ibid., p. 154.

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  17. Ibid., p. 155

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  18. Ibid., p. 155. According to Pires, Palembang was conquered by the Javanese kings of the harbour principalities who had been converted to Islam. The only Javanese ruler of Palembang whom he mentions by name is the monarch of Demak.

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  19. Schrieke, “Shifts in Political and Economic Power,” p. 33.

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  20. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 155.

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  21. Ibid., p. 257.

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  22. Pires makes a distinction between two islands supposedly lying off the coast opposite Palembang. He calls them Banka and Monomby, but Cortesao presumes that by the latter he meant a part of Bangka (Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 155, note r).

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  23. Mentioned by Pires in the wrong order (Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 158).

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  24. Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 158.

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  25. Ibid., p. 158, 159.

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  26. Ibid., p. 159.

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  27. Ibid., p. 159–165.

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  28. Ibid., p. 137–139.

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  29. Coedès, Etats hindouisés, p. 207; K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, “A Tamil Merchant Guild in Sumatra,” TBG LX XII (1932), p. 314 (concerns the Tamil inscription of 1088, originating in a merchant guild from southern India).

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  30. For Gujarati shipping via the Sunda Straits to the Javanese coast, see p. 22–23.

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  31. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 163. Cf. the pepper-growing places listed by the Dutch in the journal of the First Voyage (Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 70 ).

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  32. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 158.

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  33. Ibid., p. 160.

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  34. Ibid., p. 163.

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  35. Ibid., p. 163.

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  36. Ibid., p. 206.

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  37. Ibid., p. 206.

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  38. Keuning, Tweede schipvaart III, p. 111; Ibid., V2, p. 73.

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  39. L. A. MacGregor, “Some Aspects of Portuguese Historical Writing of the 16th and 17th centuries on South East Asia,” in; Proceedings of the Conference of the South East Asia Seminar, School of Oriental and A/rican Studies of the University of London, 1956, p. 2, 3.

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  40. Cf. for example, the figures given for the pepper output of Pasè and Pidië by Pires and Giovanni da Empoli respectively (see p. 89). The nutmeg output was estimated by Araujo at 1,200 to 1,300 bahar (Alguns Documentos, p. 225, Ruy de Araujo 6 Feb. 1510). and by Pires at 600 bahar. The figures quoted by Pires for the export of gold from the interior of Sumatra more or less correspond with those given by Urdaneta. See p. 8o, note 158.

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  41. G. P. Rouffaer en H. H. Juynboll, De batikkunst in Nederlandsch Indie en haar geschiedenis “Memorie handel 1603,” p. XXII.

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  42. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 207.

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  43. Cited in Rouffaer en Juynboll, “Memorie x603,” p. XXII.

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  44. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 207.

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  45. Rouffaer en Juynboll, “Memorie 1603,” p. XXII.

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  46. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 208.

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  47. On the Banda Islands, therefore, there really was a market for goods needed to meet daily requirements (cf. Van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society; “On Early Asian Trade,” p. 388, note 161). That the quantities involved were relatively small was of course due to the small number of inhabitants on the islands.

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  48. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 209.

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  49. Rouffaer en Juynboll, “Memorie 1603,” p. XXII, not 4.

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  50. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 207.

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  51. Ibid., p. 205.

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  52. Ibid., p. 207.

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  53. Ibid., p. 193.

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  54. Barbosa, Book II, p. 196.

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  55. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 207.

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  56. Ibid., II, p. 268.

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  57. See p. 42.

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  58. Alguns Documentos, p. 348 (Ruy de Brito, 6 Jan. 1514 ). For later Bandanese shipping to Malacca see Alguns Documentes, p. 475 (Antonio de Brito to King John III, 6 May

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  59. Beschrijvinge van de eylanden Banda,“ BKI III (x855) p. 77; F. Valentijn, Oud-en Nieuw-Oost-Indiin (Beschrijving van Banda) III2, p. 34. Probably going back to data from Hendrik van Bergel, lost at the beginning of the 17th century; Kenning, Tweede schipvaart IV, p. XLI, XLII.

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  60. Pires, Suma Orientai I, p. 212. Cf. also J. A. van der Chijs, De vestiging van het Nederlandsche gesag over de Banda eilanden 1599–1621, p. 11, who in this connection cites Heemskerck about the low standard of Bandanese navigation.

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  61. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 212.

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  62. Ibid., p. 206.

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  63. Ibid., p. 211.

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  64. Ibid., p. 206.

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  65. See P. 97, note 68.

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  66. Barbosa, Book II, p. 198.

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  67. Ibid., II, p. 198.

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  68. According to Pires, as much as 5o years before his time (about 1465), according to Barros, 8o years before the Portuguese came to Ternate (about 1435 ). (Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 213; Barros, Da Asia, Dec. III, Lib. V, cap. 5 ).

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  69. Moslem merchants were established in the Banda Islands some 3o years before Pires’ time (about 2485).

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  70. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 213.

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  71. Ibid., p. 217.

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  72. I: 10, as against z: 4 in Ternate.

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  73. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 214.

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  74. Pires does not state what foodstuffs the islands of Ternate and Tidore produced for themselves. On Motir, however, rice was cultivated (Pires, Suma Oriental I, P. 217 ).

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  75. According to Pires, the crop only amounted to 150 bahar, but in view of the total amount for all the islands (6,000 bahar), Ternate must have yielded 1,500 bahar.

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  76. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 215, 216.

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  77. Ibid., p. 217.

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  78. Ibid., p. 227.

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  79. This does not tally with later data which indicate that provisions were, in fact, easy to obtain in Batchan (for example, V.O.C. archives 96o 6, resolution Van Caerden).

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  80. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 228, cf. the description in x610 in B amp; V II (“Pieter Willem Verhoeff”), p. zoo.

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  81. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 213, 221.

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  82. Estimates of clove crops in the Moluccas (16th century)

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  83. The figure of about 6,000 bahar is actually quoted again in 2599 by Reyer Cornelisz., who obtained his information from the inhabitants of Ternate. He divides the crop up over the various islands as follows:

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  84. Batchan was no longer of any consequence at this time (late 16th century). (Keuning, Tweede schipvaart V2, p. 73; Ibid., III3).

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  85. The solution to the riddle of the differing figures for the size of the crops is provided by Van den Broecke: B amp; V II (“Pieter van den Broecke”) p. 27 (1615). Allowance should be made for the circumstance that the clove output varied a good deal. An extra large crop could be expected only once in 7 years. In the intervening years there was only a “small monsoon” (small harvest). The figures given by the Portuguese and by

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  86. Reyer Cornelisz. apparently applied to the big harvests. Pigafetta must have been nearer to the truth, for his figure agrees more or less with that given by Coen, in whose own interests it was to make an accurate estimate and who considered that in 2624 the average annual output of the Moluccas was some 1,000 to 1,500 bahar ( Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 82 ).

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  87. See p. 208, 209.

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  88. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 226.

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  89. Ibid., p. 214. Cf. Van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society, “On Early Asian Trade,” P.142.

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  90. Keuning, Tweede schipvaart, I, p. 56.

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  91. Rockhill, TP XVI, p. 260 (Wang Ta Yuan (2349)).

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  92. Groeneveldt, Notes, p. 119 (Wang Ch’i Tsung).

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  93. See p. 158, 159.

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  94. Keuning, Tweede schipvaart III, p. 223, 133; Ibid., V, p. 233, 134; B amp; V II (“Cornelis Matelieff”), p. 6g.

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  95. Translated by A Cortesao as “woolly-haired bestial people” (Pires, Suma Oriental II, P. 442).

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  96. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 212.

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  97. See p. 84, 85.

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  98. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 132.

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  99. Rockhill, TP XVI, p. 265 (Wang Ta Yuan (2349))•

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  100. Groeneveldt, Notes, p. 202.

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  101. Rockhill, TP XVI, p. 265.

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  102. Groeneveldt, Notes, p. 102 (Wang Ch’i-Tsung (1618)).

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  103. Pigafetta, Magellan, p. 1x4.

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  104. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 187.

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  105. Pigafetta, Magellan, p. 127–118.

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  106. Valentijn, Oud-en Nieuw Oost-Indian III2, p. 242.

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  107. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 172, 223–225.

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  108. Ibid., p. 226, 227.

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  109. Pires also mentions Bima as distinct from Sumbawa, but he does actually mean the latter island (Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 200–203). Bima is one of the ports on the north coast of Sumbawa. The Dutch also used the name Bima for the whole island (e.g. Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart, II, p. 220 ).

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  110. Eredia, “Report on the Golden Chersonese,” p. 253.

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  111. Rockhill, TP XVI, p. 257 (Wang Ta Yuan).

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  112. Groeneveldt, Notes, p. 126 (Wang Ta Yuan).

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  113. Ibid., p. 117 (Wang Ch’i Tsung).

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  114. Barbosa, Book II, p. 2g6.

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  115. Alguns Documentos, p. 348 (Ruy de Brito 6/2 2514).

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  116. Barbosa, Book II, p. 196.

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  117. Ibid., p. 296; Pigafetta, Magellan, p. 153.

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  118. H. J. de Graaf, “Tomé Pires’ ”Suma Oriental“ en het tijdvak van godsdienstovergang op Java,” BKI CVIII (1952), p. 232 et seq.

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  119. Schrieke, “Shifts in Political and Economic Power,” p. 29, 22, 23.

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  120. The large type of Javanese cargo vessel, the junk, was somewhat similar to Chinese junks and ships from Further India as regards shape, rigging, and the division of the hold into separate compartments. Since it was very solidly constructed, with layer upon layer of heavy planks, this type of ship, like the Chinese junks, cannot have been very suitable for navigating the Indian Ocean.

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  121. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 295.

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  122. Ibid., p. 226; Eerste schipvaart I, p. 132.

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  123. Albuquerque, Commentaries III, p. 268; Tide “Europeers” I, P. 343.

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  124. Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 232.

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  125. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 195.

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  126. Schrieke, “Shifts in Political and Economic Power,” p. 23 (description of a Javanese junk).

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  127. Albuquerque, Cartas I, p. 64, 65.

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  128. The original of this chart was unfortunately lost when Albuquerque was shipwrecked on the coast of Sumatra. The geographical names on it were written in Javanese

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  129. characters (Albuquerque, Cartes I, p. 65). But the most remarkable thing about the chart, which dates back to before 151a, is the fact that the coast of Brazil is depicted upon it. Probably the Javanese drew it up on the basis of a Portuguese chart and added details about their own sailing area which were then still quite unknown to the Portuguese, for example, the sailing route to the Moluccas (about which the Arabs, according to the Mohtt, were also only partially informed) and the trade routes of the Chinese. We also encounter this method of cartography among the 18th century Buginese seafarers who adapted the charts of.the East India Company to their own use by adding particulars of their own (C. C. F. M. Le Roux, “Boegineesche zeekaarten van den Indischen

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  130. Archipel,“ Tijdschr. Aardrijkskundig Genootschap, 2e serie, LII (1935), p. 687–714.

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  131. It is most remarkable, however, that the knowledge of western cartography had already spread so far in Asia.

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  132. For this Javanese chart see Cortesao’s introduction to Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. LXXVIII, LXXIX; Cortesao, Cartografia II, p. 122–130; Ferrand, Astronomie nautique, p. 236; Ferrand, “A propos d’une carte javanaise du XVe siècle,” JA, IIe série, X II (1918).

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  133. At any rate, the high Bantamese functionaries with whom the Dutch came into contact (both of whom, to be sure, came from India) were very well acquainted with nautical charts, and they immediately asked to be allowed to inspect those of the newcomers so that they might know from which country their strange visitors had come (RouffaerI Jzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 75).

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  134. Ferrand, Astronomie nautique, p. 97.

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  135. De archieven van de Compagniein op Oost Indii, 1594–1603, No. 86, fol. 4o. (Rekening wegens de negotie van de Zon 1600-,6o1).

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  136. Rockhill, TP XVI, p. 237 (Wang Ta Yuan, 1349 ); Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 180.

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  137. Rouffaer, “Malaka,” p. 145; Krom, Hindoe-Javaansche Geschiedenis, p. 261.

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  138. Groeneveldt, Notes, p. 45; Rouffaer, “Malaka,” p. 145.

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  139. De Graaf, “Tomé Pires’ ‘Sums Oriental’,” p. 142.

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  140. Ibid., p. 143; Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 191.

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  141. De Graaf, “Tomé Pires’ ‘Suma Oriental’,” P. 145.

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  142. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 191.

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  143. Ibid., p. 191.

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  144. De Graaf, “Tomé Pires”Suma Oriental’,“ P. 145.

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  145. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 190.

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  146. Ibid., p. 190.

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  147. Kenning, Tweede schipvaart III, P. 34, 36.

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  148. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 192.

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  149. Ibid., p. 190, 191.

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  150. Ibid., p. 192.

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  151. Ibid., p. 191; Kenning, Tweeds schipvaart III, P. 34–40.

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  152. Ma Huan puts the number of families in Tuban between 1425 and 1432 at a thousand ( Groeneveldt, Notes, p. 47 ).

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  153. According to De Graaf, Daha (Kadin) must be meant here (De Graaf, “Tomé Pires’ ‘Suma Oriental’,” p. 134).

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  154. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 191, 292.

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  155. Groeneveldt, Notes, p. 47.

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  156. Ibid., Notes, P. 47; Rockhill, TP XVI, p. 241.

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  157. Rockhill, TP XVI, p. 236.

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  158. Groeneveldt, Notes, p. 41.

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  159. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 192.

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  160. J. A. B. Wiselius, “Historisch onderzoek naar de geestelijke en wereldlijke suprematie van Grissee op Midden-en Oost Java gedurende de 16e en 17e eeuw,” TBG XXIII (1876), P. 464.

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  161. Ibid., p. 483, 484.

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  162. This is an allusion to a well-known Dutch legend about a rich tradeswoman in what was once the celebrated Frisian tradingtown of Stavoren or Staveren.

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  163. J. A. B. Wiselius, “Historisch onderzoek naar de geestelijke en wereldlijke suprematie van Grissee,” p. 468.

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  164. Ibid., P. 468.

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  165. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 192–195. Apparently the authority of the ecclesiastical ruler pp. 108–223, 355

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  166. at the beginning of the z6th century was still exclusively spitirual, thus he had nothing to do with the secular government of the port of Grise and therefore did not come to Pires’ attention (The scant interest taken by the latter in religious matters has already been indicated elsewhere. See De Graaf, “Tomé Pires’’Suma Oriental’,” p. x63).

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  167. J. A. B. WiseBus, “Historisch onderzoek near de geestelijke en wereldlijke suprematie van Grissee” p. 472.

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  168. Ibid., p. 474•

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  169. De Graaf thinks that the origin of the dual town Grise-Jaratan should perhaps be sought in the rule of Pate Cuçuf and Pate Zeynall (De Graaf, “Tomé Pires’ ‘Sums Oriental’,” p. 151).

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  170. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 195.

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  171. Ibid., p. 293.

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  172. Ibid., p. 295. “There is nothing worth spending time on, because he has nothing on the sea,” Pires, therefore, was only interested in the commercial activities of the Javanese notables.

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  173. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 193.

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  174. According to De Graaf, “Tomé Pires’ ‘Sema Oriental’,” p. 15x, Pate Adem was pure Malay, but this is difficult to reconcile with the fact that Pate Aden’s father apparently owned land in Java (Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 293).

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  175. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 293, 294.

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  176. Brown, “Malay Annals”, p. 236, 237; Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 293, note x.

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  177. See p. 83, 84.

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  178. Pires, Sama Oriental I, p. x94.

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  179. Ibid., p. 293.

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  180. Quotation: “Want is genoegsaem een besloten haven, men can op 12 vadem op een steenworp aen de muren van de stadt, met grole schepen leggen,” Keening, Tweeds sckipvaart III, p. 204; Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schspvaart, I, p. 202.

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  181. Groeneveldt, Notes, p. 48.

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  182. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 196.

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  183. Ibid., p. 292.

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  184. Ibid., P. 196–198.

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  185. Ibid., p. 227.

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  186. Ibid., p. 284–286.

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  187. A collection of charts published by Joannes and Gerard van Keulen at the end of the 27th century and at present in the Dutch General State Archives (Buitenlandse kaarten, kaartboek U) includes one of Java, showing the areas of rice production. These were located near Bantam, Cheribon (along the entire coast as far as Tegal), in the Rem-bang district not far from Demak, near Surabaya, and in the interior of Mataram, with communications with Surabaya and Grise.

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  188. Pires, Suma Oriental, I, p. 189.

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  189. Ibid., p. 287.

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  190. See p. 209.

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  191. For 16th century Semarang, Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 184.

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  192. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 283.

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  193. Ibid., p. 283.

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  194. Ibid., p. 283–185.

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  195. Ibid., p. 188.

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  196. Ibid., p. 295.

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  197. Ibid., p. 182.

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  198. Ibid., p. 200.

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  199. Ibid., p. 279.

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  200. Ibid., p. 266–273.

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  201. Ibid., p. 167.

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  202. Ibid., p. 273.

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  203. Ibid., p. 273.

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  204. Ibid., p. 272.

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  205. Ibid., p. 272, see p. 82–84.

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  206. Ibid., p. 268, 272–273.

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  207. The Sundanese word “Dajeuh” means “capital town.”

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  208. In the treaty concluded by the king of Sunda with the Portuguese, the tribute to be

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  209. paid in pepper is fixed at 160 bahar (Alguns Documentos, p. 460, 461; Studia V, p. 63).

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  210. Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 168, 169.

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  211. Ibid., p. 169.

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  212. Ibid., p. 170–173.

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  213. Ibid., p. 170.

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  214. See Pires, Suma Oriental I, p. 168, 169.

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© 1962 Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, Netherlands

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Meilink-Roelofsz, M.A.P. (1962). Trade in the Indonesian Archipelago not Centred Exclusively on Malacca. In: Asian Trade and European Influence. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-8850-0_6

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