Abstract
None of the ports in the Malay-Indonesian area had been able to take over Malacca’s rôle as a centre of trade once this town had lost some of its former attraction for the Asian merchants after its fall into Portuguese hands. To be sure, when the Dutch appeared on the scene, several of these trading places were still very busy. Achin, for example, where interest was focused on trade with western Asia, Bantam, which was principally a port of call for Chinese shipping, and the towns of northern Java with their increasingly important food exports and intermediary traffic in spices. Moreover, in the next few years Macassar also entered on a period of prosperity. Part of the Portuguese and Malay trade shifted there as a result of Dutch activity in the Malay Straits and the Spice Islands. We have seen how the Dutch attempted to obtain the monopoly in spices and how Asian traders were excluded from this area. Whatever the repercussions may have been elsewhere in the archipelago, the effect was clearly to be seen in the commercial town of Bantam.
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Reference
Van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society, “On Early Asian Trade,” p. 137–140.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 75, 77, 83, 108, 1z9, 120, 121.
Ibid., p. 75; Foster, The voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to the Moluccas (“Edm. Scott”), p. 124.
Meliapur, south of Madras. Keuning, Tweede schipvaart I, p. 48.
Quotation: “eerst tot Bantam quam en had hij niet van to leven, zoodat hij hem met vile dingen erneerde om de cost to winnen en began daerna met siechte dinghen wat to comenschappen.” Yet because he was “arch ende cloeck” etc. There is a remarkable parallel here with Tun Mutahir in Malacca, see p. 53, 54.
Keuning, Tweede schipvaart I, P. 49.
Ibid., p. 59.
Ibid., P. 49.
Ibid., p. 45.
Cf. Van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society, “On Early Asian Trade,” p. 139.
Ibid., “On Early Asian Trade,” p. 139; Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 88. His name is variously reported as Tjési Maloekoe (Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 88), Satra Moluco (Keuning, Tweede schipvaart I, p. 62), Sancho Moluco (Keuning III, p. 43 note zz5), and Sace Molouke (Kenning II, p. 21).
Kenning, Tweede schipvaart II, p. 21; Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 88.
Keuning, Tweede schipvaart I, p. 21.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 88.
Keuning, Tweede schipvaart III, p. 43 note 115.
Ibid., I, p. 21.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 108.
See p. chapter IV and V.
Much rice was shipped to Bantam by Cheribon and Japara. In 1626 the regent of Bantam ordered that every Orang Kaya was to maintain large enough stocks of rice to last a year (Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 216. 10//o 1616).
Ibid. III, p. 626, 29/7 z620.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 105 et seq.; Satow, Saris’ Voyage to Japan, p. 213; Foster, The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to the Moluccas, p. 168. (“The description of Java Major by Edm. Scott”).
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 2632 I, P. 49, 29 /12 1630.
Kenning, Tweede schipvaart I, p. 52, 77.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 119 (illustration).
IJzerman, Buysero in Bantam, p. 105.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart III, p. 193.
De Jonge, Opkomst III, p. 29.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 105, cf., however, Eerste schipvaart III, p. 193.
IJzerman, Buysero, p. 204..
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 72, 80.
See p. 69,70.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart III, p. 193; I, p. III.
Ibid., I, p. 121.
Keuning, Tweede schipvaart I, p. 87; Ibid., IV. p. 92.
Eredia, “Notes”, p. 276.
V.O.C. arch. 450, fol. 516, 26/II 1616.
Keuning, Tweede schipvaart IV, p. 92.
Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 77, 3 /3 1616.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 121.
See p. 56, 62.
For Persian influence in the Malay Peninsula, see G. E. Marrison, “Persian influence in Malay life (1280–2650),” JRASMB XXVIII (1955), part I, p. 52 et seq.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, P. 77, 120; B & V I, “Warwijck,” p. 46.
Cf. Van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society, “On Early Asian Trade,” p. 76, 85, 133. Van Leur calls this “rich” peddling trade. The distinction he makes between the im¬portant merchants, who sent money in commenda but did not undertake trading voy¬ages themselves, and the small-time pedlars does not take these “rich pedlars” - who were undoubtedly an important group financially - enough into consideration.
Kenning, Tweede schipvaart I, p. 48, 49, 74.
De Graaf, De regering van sultan Agung, p. 119.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 63, roil 1614; Ibid., II, P. 293, 30 /11 1617.
Letters East India Company II, p. 16, 3x/x 26x3, cf. also Letters I, P. 75 (Sept. 1610). It is stated in this letter that there was, in fact, a market in Bantam for pintados (painted textiles), although only small quantities could be sold there.
Letters II, p. 324, Io/2 1614.
Ibid., p. 269, 2/1 1614.
Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 293, 30/I1 1617.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart III, p. 193; Ibid., II, P. 33, 43; B & V I, “War¬wijck,” p. 55.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 22x.
Ibid., III, p. 193.
Gray, The Voyage of Pyrard, IIa, p. 163.
Foster, Journal of John Jourdain, p. 316.
Satow, Saris’ Voyage to Japan, p. 216.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 65, Io/IS 1614.
Ibid., p. 65, Io/1 11614.
Ibid., p. 67, 10/1I 1614; V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1614, fol. 42vs, Io/xl 16x4.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 99.
Foster, Voyage of Thomas Best, p. 66; see also De Jonge, Opkomst IV, p. 197.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 121; Kenning, Tweede schipvaart I, p. 40; Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 70, Io/1x 1614; Foster, The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to the Moluccas (“Edm. Scott” ), p. 169.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1615, fol. 42, 10 /11 1614.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 263, 5 /1 1616.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 108.
Ibid., p. 86.
Ibid., p. 122; Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 163, 5/I 1616.
Ibid., II, p. 92, 31 /3 1616.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 123; Ibid., III, p. 193; Foster, Journal of John Jourdain, p. 316. In 2614 5 Chinese junks brought 30o pikol of silk (Letters East India Company II p. 337, 21/2 1614 ).
Letters East India Company I, p. 69.
Porcelain was bought mainly by the Dutch. In 1614 practically all the porcelain brought by the Chinese was bought by the Dutch, who, as the only prospective buyers, were in a position to dictate their own prices. (Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 67, Io/Ir 1614).
The Chinese had managed to gain absolute control of the intermediary trade in certain products, for example, in Peguan lac, Baros camphor, and the Moetisalahs and other kinds of beads (Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart I, p. 149, plaat, 37).
Ibid., I, p. 125.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1615, fol. 38, Io/x1 1614.
Tiele, Bouwstoffen I, p. I.
Groeneveldt, Notes, p. 56.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart III, p. 199.
Satow, Saris’ Voyage to Japan, p. 213.
Foster, Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton, p. 176.
In 1598 Bantam’s total pepper export amounted to 30,000 bags (see p. 243), 18,000 of which were taken by the Chinese, 9,000 by the Dutch, and 3,000 by the Gujarati. ín 1603 48,00o bags of pepper were obtained by the Dutch and the English alone (B & V I, “Warwijck,” p. 69). In 1613 there was a total of 30,000 to 32,000 bags (Satow, Saris, p. 212). In 1614: 230,000 bags (one of the “big” harvests) of which the Dutch obtained 50,000 bags (Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 114, 22/10 1615). In 1616 the harvest was expected to yield 30,000 bags (Ibid., I, p. 263, 5/r 1616). In 1617: 120,000 bags (Ibid., I, p. 252, 22/8 2617; Ibid., II, p. 265, 3/8 1617). In 1618: about 30,000 bags (Ibid., III, p. 468, 20/11 1618). In 1620: about ioo,000 bags (Ibid., II, p. 708, 25/5 1620). In 2627 the crop still amounted to 50,000 to 60,000 bags (V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1628 I, fol. 39vs, 29/7 2627), a large part of which went to Batavia. In 2629 the harvest yielded only 25,000 to 16,000 bags (V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1630 I, fol. 515vs, 20 /11 2621 ).
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 64, 20 /11 1614; Ibid., p. 163, 5/I 1616.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 163, 5 /1 1616.
Ibid., p. 624, 8/1 x621.
In 1608, for example, duties were paid on a parcel of 8,440 bags of pepper shipped in a vessel called “Bantam.”
Heeres-Stapel, Corpus Diplomaticum I, p. 29.
Letters East India Company III, p. 276.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 64, 10 /11 1614.
IJzerman, Buysero, p. 202.
Kenning, Tweede schipvaart I, p. 50.
Quotation: “dit volck thoonde hun zoo valsch en onbeschaemt, lichtvaerdigh gelijck de winden, die daer alsdoen twee oft drie mael des daechs veranderden,” Keuning, Tweede schipvaart I, p. 59.
Ibid., p. 64.
Ibid., p. 76.
Ibid., p. 76.
In 1599 the price of pepper was 3 reals per bag. Shortly after that the depreciation of the real caused the price to rise to 4 to 6 reals per bag. Prices continued to rise until 2603. Then they dropped. In 2608 pepper was again costing 2} reals per bag. In 1612: I2} reals per Io bags. In 1614: 15 or 26 reals per 10 bags (Letters East India Company II, p. 319, 10/2 1614); 13 or 24 reals per Io bags (Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 64, Io/1x 1614). In 1615: 15 reals per Io bags (B & V II, “Van den Broecke,” p. 25); 12 reals per Io bags (Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 163, 5/1 1616). In 2626: 27 or 18 reals per Io bags. Pepper bought before the arrival of the Chinese (Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 163, 5/1 1626); 25 to 27 reals per ro bags (Coen, Be¬scheiden II, p. 230, 26/6 1616); 2 to 2} reals per bag (Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 147, 22/9 2616). In 1617: 31 reals per bag (Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 274, 27/9 1617) (large purchases by Asians); 4 reals per bag, increasing to as much as 8 to io reals per bag on the arrival of the Chinese junks (Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 329, 30/22 2617); 4 reals per bag, in spite of the big harvest of 110,000 bags and poor buying by Euro¬peans. Chinese purchases were intended for Cambodia and Siam as well as China (IJzerman, Buysero, p. 102, 18/12 1617). In 1628: 10 reals per pikol = 2 bags — after the price had been fixed by the government of Bantam and its Chinese advisers. Increased prices in Bantam in connection with the high pepper prices in China. When Coen threatened to remove pepper from Chinese junks the price of pepper dropped to 6 or 61 reals per pikol (Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 382, 11/5 1618; Ibid., p. 379, 27/4 1618). But when the Chinese junks arrived prices rose again to 43 and 48 reals per 10 bags (Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 387, 21/5 2628; Ibid., p. 410, 16/8 16r8). The Dutch once more threatened to remove the pepper by force and the price fell to 30 and 321 reals per 20 bags. When Coen issued instructions to buy at that price, it rose again to 35 reals. In September 2628 the price was 5} reals per bag and could be expected to rise to 6 or 7 reals (poor crop and little pepper) (Coen, Bescheiden II, P. 450, 19/9 2628). In November 1628 the price was 61 reals (Coen, Bescheiden II, 559, 2/6 1619). In 1619: the price had fallen to 2 reals (Coen, Bescheiden I, P. 474, 5/8 1619). In 1620: there was a very sharp fall to 71 and 5 reals per Io bags (Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 581, 31/7 1620; Ibid. I, 609, 8/I 1622 ).
Moreland, Peter Floris, p. 23.
Letters East India Company III, p. 276.
Foster, Voyages of Lancaster, p. XXXI, 209.
Wieder and others, Spilbergen, p. 83.
Letters East India Company III, p. 274; IJzerman, Buysero, p.10. Ion. Keuning, Tweede schipvaart I, p. 59.
Quotation: “dat die lieden veel ghelts verdienden, zonder eenigh peryckel to verbeyden van verlies, oock sonder eenighe moeyten to doen…. dat die niet alleen de Christenen bedrieghen, maar oock denghenen daer zij als hoofden over ghestelt zijn, die zij met een vaderlijcke liefde voor bedrock behoorden to bevrijden,” Keuning, Tweede schipvaart I, P. 59.
Rouffaer-IJzerman, Eerste schipvaart II, p. 30.
The governor owned junks (B & V II, “Van der Hagen,” p. 83.) In 2617 a junk be¬longing to the brother of the pangeran of Bantam is mentioned (Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 304, 18/12 1617). It is not dear, however, whether either of these vessels was a trading junk.
See p. 240.
Van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society, “On Early Asian Trade,” p. 175, 177.
Cf. J. W. IJzerman’s introduction about the events in Bantam (which reiterates Buysero’s [= Coen’s] views on the matter) with F. C. de Haan’s account in Oud¬Batavia I, P. 5–40. The latter testifies to the far greater critical sense of its author.
IJzerman, Buysero, p. 26, 27, 75; Coen, Bescheiden 1, p. 243, IO2 1616.
IJzerman, Buysero, p. 231.
Ibid., p. 26, note 3.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 69, Io/IS 1614; Ibid., VII, p. 858; Ibid., III, p. 421, 22/2 1618; IJzerman, Buysero, p. 232.
Coen, Bescheiden VII, p. 858; IJzerman, Buysero, p. 231.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 72, 20 /22 2624.
IJzerman, Buysero, p. 231.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 228, 22/IO 1615.
IJzerman, Buysero, p. 232.
Ibid., p. 95, 232.
Ibid., p. 231.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 62, 10 /11 1614.
Ibid., p. 63, 10/Ix 1614.
IJzerman, Buysero, p. 65.
Coen Bescheiden I, p. 6g, 10/11 1614; Ibid., p. 229, 10/II,626; Ibid., IV, p. 352, 26 /11 1616.
Ibid., II, p. 256, Io/Io 2616; Ibid., p. 172, 7/2, 1616; Ibid., I, p. 243, 10/12 1616; IJzerman, Buysero, p. 26, 27.
Ibid., II, p. 172, 7/II 1616.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 243, 10/12 1616; IJzerman, Buysero, p. 26, 27.
Letters East India Company III, p. 261.
Ibid., p. 275, 276.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 103.
Ibid., p. 65, Io/11 1614; IJzerman, Buysero, p. 117.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 244, 20/12 x616.
I Jzerman, Buysero, p. 37.
Ibid., p. 86.
IJzerman, Buysero, p. 86; Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 326, 327, 11/3 1618; Ibid., p. 298, 18/12 1617; Ibid., II, p. 307, 2/12 2627; Ibid., I, p. 276, 1/9 1617; Ibid., p. 284, 10 /11 1617.
Coen, Bescheiden IV, p. 452, 24 /3 1620.
I Jzerman, Buysero, p. 75.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 298, 18/12 2627; Ibid., p. 249, 22/8 1617; IJzerman, Buysero, P. 65, 71, 102, 103.
Ibid., p. 36.
Ibid., p. 87.
Coen, Bescheiden III, p. 518, 18 /6 1619.
Letters East India Company III, p. 274, 275.
Ibid., III, p. 275.
Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 257, 22/6 16x7; Ibid., p. 252, 8 /6 1617.
IJzerman, Buysero, p. 66.
Ibid., P. 53.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 484, 5 /8 2619.
Quatation: “om door die van Bantam niet gedwongen to worden naer haer pijpen to dansen,” Coen,Bescheiden, I, p. 250, 22/8 16, 7.
V.O.C. arch. 451, fol. 263, 15/5 1628.
Quotation: “gansçh hart ende buyten alle limiten van rechte ende niet alleenlijcke daer to lande, maer selfs oock alhier bij de participanten en alle dergenen, die sulcken ter ooren mochten kommen, onlusten ende opsprake souden mogen causeren.” Above all, they were afraid that because of his actions “onlusten bij de naburige coningen souden mogen ontstaen.” For that reason they insisted that in future Coen “(zich met) behoor¬lijcke, wetlycke en geene opsprake subjecte middelen zou moeten behelpen,” V.O.C. arch. 451, fol. 263, 15/5 6, 8.
Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 566, 21/6 1619; Ibid., I, P. 475, 5 /8 1619.
Ibid., I, p. 249, 22/8 1619; Ibid., II, p. 227, 4 /4 1617.
IJzerman, Buysero, p. 34; Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 222, 4/4 1617; Ibid., I, p. 326, 11/3 1618; Ibid., III, p. 419, 14/2 1618; Ibid., I, p. 502, 7/10 1619; Cf. also Ibid., I, p. 776, 20 /6 1623.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 276, Sept. 1617.
Ibid., III, p. 419, 14 /2 1618.
Heeres-Stapel, Corpus Diplomaticum I, P. 149.
See, among others, Van Dam, Beschrijvinge II, x, p. Io et seq; Van der Chys, De Nederlanders to Jacatra; De Jonge, Ophomst IV, p. XCIV; De Haan, Oud-Batavia I, p. 5–40.
Van Dam, Beschrijvinge II, 3, P. 436, 467.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 381, 29/9 16x8; Ibid., P. 358, 26/7 16,8; Ibid., p. 470, 5/8 16x8.
Ibid., p. 58,, 31/7 2620; Ibid., p. 609, 8 /1 1622.
Ibid., p. 776, 20/6 1623.
Quotation: “Bantam is geruineert en Jacatra sal floreren,” Coen, Bescheiden, p$1587, 26/Io 2620; Ibid., p. 602, 26/xo 1620; Ibid., p. 592, 26 /10 2620.
Ibid., p. 592, 26/10 1620.
Van Dam, Beschrijvinge II, 3, P. 466–467.
Ibid., p. 468.
Ibid., P. 472.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 776, 20 /6 1623.
Ibid., p. 581, 31/7 1620.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1624 I,fol. 165, 2/1 1624; Van Dam, Beschrijvinge II, 3, P. 472.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 609, 8 /1 1621; Ibid., p. 526, 22/i 1620.
Coen, Bescheiden I, P. 475, 5/8 1619; Ibid., p. 502, 7 /10 1619.
I Jzerman, Buysero, p. 232.
Ibid., p. 232, 233.
Van Dam, Beschrijvinge II, 3, p. 469.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 592, 26 /10 1620.
Ibid., III, P. 946, 23 /1 1623.
Ibid., VIIb, p. 1821, CLXXIII, note 8.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1626, II, 27 /10 2625.
Ibid., O.B. 1624, I, fol. 165, z/1 1624.
Ibid., O.B. 2625, I, fol. 283, 9 /7 1624.
Coen, Bescheiden V, p. 742, 28 /4 2629.
Verhaal oorlogen in Indic,“ Kroniek Historisch Genootschap 1871, p. 562.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1631 I, fol. 49vs, 29 /11 2630.
Ibid., fol. 51, 6/22 1630.
Ibid., fol. 53VS, 22/12 1630; Ibid., fol. 56vs, 30 /12 1630.
Ibid., O.B. 1633 I, fol. 242 VS, 9/61632.
Ibid., O.B. 1635 I, fol. 87vs, 27 /12 1634.
Ibid., O.B. 1634 I very., fol. 888vs, (memorandum Philip Lucasz.).
Ibid., O.B. 1624 I, fol. 48, 3/2 1624; Ibid., O.B$11625 I, fol. 167vs, 27 /1 2625.
Coen, Bescheiden V, p. 75, 6 /1 2628.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1628 II, fol. 128vs, 8 /7 1627.
Coen, Bescheiden V, p. 201, 28 /11 2627.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1633 I, p. 203vs, 20/4 2632; Ibid., fol. 242VS, 9 /6 2632.
Quotation: `opulent en prodigael in haer dagelykse kledinghe, maakte nu een zeer verarmde ende desolate“ [indruk], V.O.C. arch., O.B. 2634 I very., fol. 888vs (memo¬randum Philip Lucasz.).
Ibid., fol. 883, 883vs, 889.
Ibid., fol. 889.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1634 I, fol. 249, 249vs, 17 /5 1633.
Ibid., O.B. 1634 I very., fol. 889 (memorandum Philip Lucasz.).
Letters East India Company III, p. 167, 2r/10 2615.
Coen, Bescheiden VII, p. 172, 26 /7 1616.
Ibid., VII, p. 148, 17/7 1616; p. 89, 27 /5 1616.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1627 III, fol. 61, 4 /3 1624.
Ibid., 1634 I very., fol. 921vs (memorandum Philip Lucasz.).
Coen, Bescheiden VII, P. 344, 24 /6 1618.
For the earliest United Company relations in Jambi see J. W. J. Wellan, Onze eerste vestiging in Djambi. BKI 82 (1926), p. 339–383.
Quotation; “want wij langhe genoech de varckens hebben geschoren ende andere de schapen,” Coen, Bescheiden VII, p. 125, 30 /6 1616.
Ibid., p. 126, 30/6 1616.
Wellan, Djambi, p. 355.
Ibid., p. 359.
Verhaal oorlogen in Indic,“ Kroniek Historisch Genootschap 2872, p. 566.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1630 II, fol. 10, 25 /10 1629.
Coen, Bescheiden VII, p. 861.
Ibid., p. 898; Ibid., P. 441, 25 /7 1619.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1624 II, fol. 349vs, 3 /3 1623.
Chily = Tjelik = small (Jay.) = Ketjil (Malay).
Coen, Bescheiden IV, p. 23, 19/11 1620; Ibid., I, p. 610, 8 /1 1621.
Quotation: “met welcke natie toch niets stabiels in ‘t stuck van negotie te verrichten is, hoe bondige en wefgemeende accoorden men oock met haer maeckt, als ‘t schaers met haer gestelt is, uyt vreese men haer voorby mocht lopen, comen sij met reglement en redres voor den dach, maer so haest een stroohalm breecken connen gaet alles weder overhoop,” Coen, Bescheiden V, p. 32, 9/Il1627.
Ibid., II, p. 241, 23/5 1617; Ibid., p. 224, 24 /3 1617.
Quotation: “de molestie sal per avontuur, die ‘t seer niet bekent sijn, vehement schijnen, dan wat leyt daeraen? ‘t rechte verstant sal ons schut genouch syn,” Coen, Bescheiden, I, p. 250, 22 /8 1617.
Jambi had two rulers, a father and son, each of whom received a share of the Io% export duties levied on pepper. The old king received the duties paid by the Dutch, English and Chinese, and the young prince those obtained from the Javanese and Malays. This proba¬bly accounts for the antagonism between the two rulers. Neither of them had much power, however, since government was primarily in the hands of the OrangKayas.
Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 242, 23/5,617.
Ibid., VII, p. 276, 25 /9 1617.
Ibid., p. 137, 27/7 1616.
IJzerman, Buysero, p. 107.
Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 394, 1/6 1618. 224. Coen, Bescheiden VII, p. 276, 277.
Van Dam, Beschrijvinge II, p. 307.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 563, 31 /7 1620.
Ibid., III, p. 173, 1/5 1622; V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1627 II, fol. 50, 27 /2 1626.
Ibid., O.B. 1628 II, fol. 129, 8 /7 1627.
Ibid., fol. 30 S, 20/2 1627; see also Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 666, 29/3 5620.
Coen, Bescheiden V, p. 339, 16/7 2628; Ibid., p. 392, 14/8 2628; Ibid., p. 112, 3/11 1628; Ibid., p. 523, 22 /5 2629.
Ibid., P. 547, 9 /6 1629.
Ibid., III, p. 298, 2/6 1622; Ibid., VIIb, p. 1076, 30/I 1623.
Ibid., II, p. 244, 23/5 1617; Ibid., P. 574, 2/7 1619; V.O.C. arch., O.B. 2626, III, fol. 31, 3 /2 1626.
Ibid., O.B. 1626 III, fol. 31, 3 /2 1626.
Ibid., O.B. 1624, II, fol. 68, 11 /3 1623.
Ibid., O.B. 1627 II, fol. 55, 24 /3 2626.
For the development of the pepper trade in Banjermasin in the 17th century see J. C. Noorlander, Bandjermasin en de Compagnie in de tweede helft der 18e eeuw, p. 3–24. For relations between Banjermasin and the United Company see L. C. D. van Dijk, Neerlands vroegste betrekkingen met Borneo, enz. Amsterdam 1862.
For events on the Chinese coast, the occupation of the islands off that coast, see W. P. Groeneveldt, “De Nederlanders in China,” BKI XLVIII (x898).
Chaunu, “Le Galion de Manille,” p. 450.
Coen, Bescheiden IV, P. 493, 4/3 1621; V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1635 I, fol. 130vs, 27/12 1634; Ibid., O.B. 1637 I, fol. 54, 28/12 1636; V.O.C. arch., 454, fol. 183vs, 20/3 2638; Ibid., 454, fol. 355, 5 /9 2642.
For example, V.O.C. arch. 452, Dec. 1624; Gentlemen Seventeen to Surat, shortage of Chinese silk because of failure of expedition to the Chinese coast, demand for Persian silk. V.O.C. arch. 454, fol. 103, Dec. 1635; V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1637 I, fol. 50, 28 /12 1636; Turkish invasion of Persia, shortage of Persian silk, demand for Chinese silk provided this does not involve reduction of supplies to Japan (V.O.C. arch. 454, fol. 183vs, 20/3 1638 ).
Groeneveldt, “Nederlanders in China,” P. 59.
V.O.C. arch. 454, fol. 256vs, 12/9 1639.
Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 228, 27/4 1617; Ibid., p. 363, 30/3 1618; Ibid., VII, P. 795, 15/xo 1622; Ibid., III, p. 60, 12/6 1621; Ibid., p. 203, 19 /6 1622.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1614, fol. 58vs, 12/IO 1613; Ibid., O.B. 1626 III, fol. I1vs, 3/2 1626; Ibid., O.B. 1627 III, fol. 119, 13 /12 1626.
PP. 263–264)
Coen, Bescheiden VII, p. 55, 25/11 1615; Ibid., III, p. 203, 19/6 1622; IJzerman, Buysero, p. 108, 18/12 1618; V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1637 I, fol. 122, 28 /12 1636.
IJzerman, Buysero, p.,08.
Groeneveldt, “Nederlanders in China,” p. 53.
Only very fragmentary data have been preserved about the number of junks visiting Further India and the Indonesian Archipelago. In 1615 10 to 12 small Chinese junks went to Cochin China (Coen, Bescheiden VII, p. 55, 25/11 1615). In the same year 3 or 4 junks went to Bantam and 5 or 6 to Jambi, Japara and Jortan, as well as 1 or 2 to Ligor and Bordelon (Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 184, 31/3 1616). In 1622 the figures were as follows (Coen, Bescheiden IV, p. 726, 29/3 1622): Batavia 3 junks;
Tiele, “Europeërs” II, p. 24; Ibid., III, p. 265; Ibid., IV, P. 474, 477; Ibid., V, P. 189; Boxer, South China in the n6th century, p. XX X I X, XL-X L V.
According to Chaunu (p. 450, 451), the high pepper prices in Europe had an effect upon Legaspi’s voyage and the voyage of 1564 was therefore a pepper expedition. That means that the pepper must have been transported from Indonesia and the Malay Peninsula to the Philippines, and in such quantities that a pepper market could come into existence there. It seems more probable that the Iberians came to get the fine spices (cloves, nutmeg and mace) from the Spice Islands, which are situated near the Philippines.
Van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society, “On Early Asian Trade,” p. 161; Tiele, “Europeërs” V, p. 189.
Groeneveldt, “Nederlanders in China,” p. 39.
Linschoten, Itinerario I, p. 85 20 ships Saris (1613) 40 ships Matelieff (in Groeneveldt, p. 39) 24 to 30 ships 3113 1616 (Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 184) 20 to 30 ships 20/8 2628 (V.O.C. arch., O.B. 26x9 II, fol. 254) more than... 30 ships 4/20 1620 (Coen, Bescheiden VII, p. 644) 30 ships 4/II 1620 (Coen, Bescheiden VII, p. 673) 33 or 34 ships 4/3 26z4 (V.O.C. arch., O.B. 2627 III, fol. 6,vs) 26 ships 13/5 2625 (V.O.C. arch., O.B. 2626 II, fol. 97vs) 30 small junks 29/3 2622 (Coen, Bescheiden IV, 726) 8 junks 24/6 1629 /Coen, Bescheiden VIIb, 1677) 2 small junks (pirates blockading the Chinese coast) 1/22 1632 (V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1633, I, fol. 57) 17 small junks
Van Leur does not make enough allowance for this, Indonesian Trade and Society, p. 286, cf. p. 167.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 2628 III, fol. 127–231.
B & V II (“Matelieff,” p. 69).
Quotation: “hare joncken d’onse veel te cloeck int seylen, wenden ende drayen syn,” Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 768, 20 /6 2623.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1626 II, fol. 121, 27 /7 1625
Satow, Saris’ Voyage to Japan, p. 226.
Fruit junks = junks carrying foodstuffs.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 272, 22 /8 1617.
I Jzerman, Buysero, p. 79.
Coen, Bescheiden VII, p. 783, 789, 12/IO 2621.
Ibid., I, P. 372, 26/7 1618; Ibid., VII, P. 334, 4 /6 1618.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 2627 III, fol. 63, 4/3 1624; Groeneveldt, “Nederlanders in China,” p. 267.
V.O.C. arch., O.B.,626 II, fol. 43, 22 /12 1615.
Coen, Bescheiden VII, p. 211, 31/I0 2616. This is at variance with a list of percentages of gain made out by the Chinese traders who supplied money and goods: to Cochin China, Cambodia and Champa 40 to 45%; to Patani, Sangora, Ligor, and Siam 60, 65 to 70%;to Borneo, Palembang, Johore, Malabar, Jambi and Pahang. 80, 85 to 90%; to Bantam, Jacatra, Japara, Jortan (Jaratan) 120, 125, to 130%, unencumbered by freights, tolls and other costs (V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1634 I very. fol. 922, memorandum Philip Lucasz.).
IJzerman, Buysero, p. 94, 108; Satow, Saris’ Voyage to Japan, p. 227.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 2627 I, fol. 14, 18 /7 x626.
Coen, Bescheiden I, p. 158, 25 /22 1615.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 2629 II, fol. 254, 20 /8 1618.
Ibid., IV, p. 520, 24/20 x622; Ibid., I, P. 554, 12 /5 2620.
Ibid., p. 590, 26/20 1620.
Ibid., p. 799, 20/6 2623.
Quotation: “Noch gelooven de treffelijcke Chinesen niet, dat (wij) oprechte coopluyden sijn ende een grote Chinese handel soecken te doen, maar (denken dat wij) om buyt uutcommen,” Coen, Bescheiden, I, p. 167, 5/I 16, 6.
Ibid., VII, p. 645, 4 /11 1620.
Ibid., IV, P. 494, 495, 4/3 1621; Ibid., I, p. 650, 16/22 2622; Ibid., III, p. 58, 22/6 1621; Ibid., I, p. 797, zo/6 1623.
Boxer, Fidalgos, p. 72.
Coen, Bescheiden II, p. 233, 23/4 1617; Ibid., I, p. 295, 28/12 1617; Ibid., P. 376, 26 /7 2618.
Ibid., III, p. 296, 31 /2 1623.
Quotation: “dese handel is ons bedunckens lang genoch met vrientschap versocht. Wij menen so goeden recht te hebben om haer de handel op andere landen te mogen beletten als zij om ons de handel in haer landt te weygeren. Met alsulcken recht als zij ons uyt China houden, sullen haer daer in doen blijven totdat anders resolveren,” Ibid., I, p. 650, 26/2x 2622.
Quotation: “want so lange d’arme geen peryckel van haer lyff lopen, de rijcke de goede¬ren altijd avontuyren sullen,” Ibid., I, p. 797, 20 /6 1623.
Ibid., III, p. 958, z8 /1 1623.
Ibid., p. 958, 28/I 1623; Ibid., I, p. 799, 20/6 1623; Ibid., p. 725, 6 /9 1622.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1624, fol. 72.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1625 I, fol. 177vs, 27 /1 1625.
Quotation “proceduyres, die gantsch China soo seer tegen ons verbittert heeft, dat wij voor moordenaers, geweldenaers ende zeerovers gereputeert werden” “en sou den het gantsche rijcke van China, nochte de coninck zelffs met geen affkeer, nochte wraecke tegen ons ingenomen weesen,” Groeneveldt, “Nederlanders in China,” p. 494.
Ibid., P. 494.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1624, fol. 21vs, 26, 3/I 1624.
Ibid., 1624, fol. 54, 3/I 1624.
Coen, Bescheiden VIIb, p. 1090, 29/I 1624.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1624, fol. 26, 3 /1 1624.
Coen, Bescheiden VIIb, p. 1484, 26/10 1628; Ibid., p. 1677, 14/6 1629; B & V II (“Van Rechteren”), p. 75.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1626 II, fol. 6,, 18 /3 1625.
Ibid., fol. 28vs, 26/7 1625.
Ibid., fol. 8,, 14/4 1625.
Ibid., O.B. 1627 II, fol. 120vs, 5 /8 2626.
Ibid., O.B. 1628 II, fol. 89, 10 /5 1627.
Coen, Bescheiden V, P. 534, 31 /5 1629.
V.O.C. arch., O.B. 1637 I, fol. 9, 28 /12 1636.
Ibid., 454, fol. 154, 3/10 1637.
Ibid., O.B. 1637 I, fol. 132, 28/12 1636; Ibid., 454, fol. 213vs, 16 /9 1638; Ibid., fol. 239vs, 14/3 1639.
V.O.C. arch., 454, fol. 204vs, 26/9 1638.
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© 1962 Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, Netherlands
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Meilink-Roelofsz, M.A.P. (1962). The United Company Monopoly and the Foreign Asian Merchants in Indonesia at the Beginning of the 17th Century. In: Asian Trade and European Influence. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-8850-0_11
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