Abstract
According to Benda, it is possible to differentiate three leading groups in the former Dutch East Indies towards the end of that regime. Firstly, there was the aristocracy, that is to say the priyayis in Java, the ulèëbalangs (Ind. hulubalang) in Atjeh, and elsewhere the radjas (rajahs) and other adat-chiefs. They formed “the cornerstone of the Dutch colonial system for many decennia, if not centuries”.1 On the other hand the Indonesian nationalist movement was growing and took shape in many organizations. Hence in the second place we can mention those nationalists who were united in non-confessional organizations, the “secular” nationalists as Benda called them (correctly always putting the “secular” in inverted commas). Then in the third place there was the group of Islamic leaders or Muslim nationalists. In this study the last group will require much attention. Among them were intellectuals with a Western upbringing, as well as traditional ulamas (religious scholars or “scribes”). To the latter belonged, for example, the Javanese kiyais (indicated by a capital K. before their name, just as a following capital H. shows a hadji). The title Kiyai is given by the people to “an independent religious teacher not belonging to the official scribes connected with the mosques”.2 Many of them were heads of, or teachers at, a pesantrèn, an institution which even now is often gratefully depicted as the nursery for Islamic leaders who resisted colonial domination.3
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References
Benda, The Crescent, p. 199.
G. W. J. Drewes, in Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization, ed. by Gustave E. von Grunebaum, Chicago 1955, p. 309. I also refer to this essay as a general introduction to Indonesian Islam.
See for example Al-D jami’ah, Madjalah Ilmu Pengetahuan Agaraa Islam, no. 5–6, Jogjakarta 1965, p. 96.
So for instance in Atjeh; cf. A. J. Piekaar, Atjèh en de oorlog met Japan, ’s-Gravenhage-Bandung 1949, p. 247.
Benda, The Crescent, pp. 201–202. Benda’s division between the “santri” and the “secular nationalists” has been criticized by L. Sluimers, who believes that Benda laid too much stress on Islam as a separate political force playing an independent role, while according to Sluimers the conflict which arose during the Japanese occupation was rather a conflict between conservatives and non-conservatives, cross-cutting religious boundaries (L. Sluimers, “Nieuwe Orde” op Java: de Japan’e bezettingspolitiek en de Indonesische elites 1942–1943, in Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde, Vol. 124, no. 3, ‘s-Gravenhage 1968, pp. 336–365). In my opinion, however, the developments after 1945 tend to prove that Benda’s approach is still usable, especially if we are trying to sketch the recent history of Islam in Indonesia from an Islamic point of view.
M. A. Aziz, Japan’s Colonialism and Indonesia, thesis Leiden 1955, p. 200.
Cf. Benda, The Crescent; C. A. O. van Nieuwenhuijze, Japanese Islam Policy in Java, 1942–1945, in Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia, The Hague-Bandung 1958, pp. 109–160.
Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan karangan tersiar, ed. by H. Aboebakar at a request from the Minister of Religion dated March 23rd, 1954, in memoriam of his predecessor who died in a motoring accident on April 19th, 1953; published in Djakarta, 1957; from now on referred to as “Wahid Hasjim”.
Benda, The Crescent, p. 273, n. 80–81; compare Wahid Hasjim, p. 331 ff.
According to Wahid Hasjim, p. 597.
Benda, The Crescent, p. 151. “Council of Indonesian Moslem Associations”, George McT. Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia, Ithaca New York 1952, p. 156, and “Council of Indonesian Moslem Organizations”, Clifford Geertz, The Religion, p. 142, are incorrect.
Cf. Wahid Hasjim, p. 311; Van Nieuwenhuijze, Aspects, p. 120; Benda, The Crescent, p. 90.
Cf. Benda, The Crescent, p. 151; also Van Nieuwenhuijze, Aspects, p. 152 ff.
Aziz, Japan’s Colonialism, p. 205.
Cf. Wahid Hasjim, p. 326.
Benda, The Crescent, p. 150.
Aziz, Japan’s Colonialism, p. 205.
See Wahid Hasjim, pp. 351–352.
Aziz, Japan’s Colonialism, pp. 205–206.
According to A. A. Zorab, De Japan’e bezetting van Indonesië, thesis Leiden 1954, p. 107.
To what extent and in which way Christian youths here and there joined the Hizbu’llah — as some rumours have it — will have to be examined more closely.
Benda, The Crescent, p. 280, n. 26.
Herbert Feith, The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia, Ithaca New York 1962, p. 233. “Sabili’llâh” means: (fighters in) the way of God.
H. M. Rasjidi, Islam dan Indonesia Dizaman Modern, Djakarta 1968.
M. Isa Anshary, Falsafah Perdjuangan Islam, Bandung 1949, p. 156.
H. Ruslan Abdulgani, Isi Kitab Sutji Al-Quräan guna membakar semangat Mahasiswa didalam suasana sekarang, in Al-Djami’ah, July 1965, p. 33. The lines by Goethe, quoted by Snouck Hurgronje in Nederland en de Islam, p. 85, are: “Was du ererbt von deinen Vätern hast, Erwirb es, um es zu besitzen”. Snouck meant: “erwirb es”, try to win it in a spiritual/cultural way, through what was called an association policy.
Wahid Hasjim, p. 597.
Benda, The Crescent, pp. 23, 196.
Benda, The Crescent, p. 29.
Benda, The Crescent, p. 29.
G. E. von Grunebaum, Modern Islam, Berkeley-Los Angeles 1962, p. 207.
Van Nieuwenhuijze, Aspects, p. 162.
For the political facts and developments, see Benda, The Crescent, pp. 169–194; further Kahin, Nationalism, and for the developments after 1950 Feith, The Decline. The Indonesian source which gives facts and official documents from the period August 17th, 1945 to December 31st, 1946 is Osman Raliby, Documenta Historica I, Djakarta 1953.
For the discussion concerning the basis of the new state, the most important Indonesian source is the work of Muh. Yamin, primarily his pamphlet Proklamasi dan Konstitusi Republik Indonesia, Djakarta/Amsterdam 1951; further the three volumes of his chaotic standard work Naskah Persia pan Undang-undang Dasar 1945, with texts of speeches and minutes of meetings between May 29th and August 19th, 1945, and the minutes of the meetings of Parliament and Constituent Assembly, March-June 1959 about the “return to the Constitution of 1945”; finally the additional fourth volume, Pembahasan Undang-undang Dasar Republik Indonesia, Djakarta 1959–1960. Unfortunately, with regard to the work of Yamin — and other Indonesian sources for political history — the question has to be put concerning the extent to which this attempt to write history springs from an interest in history, and the extent to which this writing of history has been put to the service of a special, present-day goal, a certain propaganda or political aim. Of other Indonesian sources, I mention the exact, short summaries of the most important documents in Ali Basja Loebis’ pamphlet, Undang2 Dasar R.I. 1945 (Sedjarah pertumbuhan dan pendjelasan pasal2nja), Djakarta 1963. The most important Indonesian contribution from the Protestant point of view is W. B. Sidjabat, Religious Tolerance and the Christian Faith, Djakarta 1965 (thesis Princeton 1960 ).
Benda, The Crescent, pp. 175–176.
In Indonesian: Badan untuk menjelidiki usaha-usaha persiapan kemerdekaan.
Quoted by Benda, The Crescent, pp. 188–189.
a Yamin, Naskah, I, pp. 761–772.
Yamin, Naskah, I, pp. 729–752.
Cf. Pandji Masjarakat, one of the most influential Islamic magazines in Indonesia, ed. by HAMKA, no. 19, Djakarta, October 1967, p. 6, and also the articles by Mohamad Roem in Pandji Masjarakat, nos. 11, 12, 13, March-April 1967, as well as K. H. M. Isa Anshary, Mudjahid Dacwah, Bandung 1964, p. 156.
Cf. Yamin, Naskah, I, pp. 83–107. With regard to the division of this speech into 5 paragraphs and their headings — almost the same as the five principles of the Pantjasila — one cannot avoid asking whether this composition and headings were not later additions. Elsewhere the author admits that he edited his archive material somewhat before publication; cf. the following note.
Cf. Yamin, Naskah, I, pp. 719–728. Here Yamin admits that the arrangement into articles and chapters was a later addition. What did his draft copy originally look like?
The English translation given in Yamin’s work (Naskah, I, p. 54) runs as follows: “Sect. 1. The State shall be based upon belief in the all-embracing God. Sect. 2. The State shall guarantee the freedom of the people to profess and to exercise their own religion”. The translation of Ketuhanan Jang Maha Esa with “belief in the all-embracing God” sounds more Hindu-Javanese than orthodox Islamic. A later (and more official?) translation can be found in Yamin, Naskah, III, pp. 755–761. The article there runs as follows: “(1) The State shall be based upon Belief in the One, Supreme God. (2) The State shall guarantee freedom to every resident to adhere to his respective religion and to perform his religious duties in conformity with that religion and that faith”.
Yamin, Naskah, I, pp. 61–81. A summary based on the English translation by the Indonesian Ministry of Information (The Birth of Pantjasila, Jakarta 1950) can be found in Kahin, Nationalism, pp. 122–127. We base ours on the Indonesian text found in Yamin.
In spite of the speech by Yamin? See above, paragraph V from Yamin’s speech.
Yamin, Naskah, I, p. 75.
This information and more that follows is taken from the minutes of the second session of the Committee of 62, July l0th-16th, 1945, as taken down by Yamin, Naskah, I, pp. 143–396.
According to Soekarno in the report which he gave at the opening of the second session of the Committee of 62 on July 10th, 1945. Cf: Yamin, Naskah, I, pp. 147–148.
The text can be found in Yamin, Naskah, I, pp. 755–756. It is undated. As Yamin certainly did not give the reports and minutes of all the meetings of every committee and sub-committee, let alone informal discussions, the chronological order of the drafts cannot, as far as I can see, be fixed precisely.
Cf. Yamin, Naskah, I, pp. 713–717.
Yamin, Naskah, I, pp. 228, 240.
One looks in vain in Benda and Kahin, for example.
For the remarks by Hatta, see the minutes of August 18th, 1945 in Yamin, Naskah, I, p. 401.
Compare the different translations of the preamble of the 1945 Constitution in Yamin, Naskah, I, p. 49 and III, p. 753; also Yamin, Pembahasan, p. 97; further Charles Wolf Jr., The Indonesian Story, New York 1948, p. 165.
For the original Indonesian text of this Djakarta Charter see Appendix I, at the end of this book.
Benda, The Crescent, p. 189.
Compared with Latuharhary’s remarks during the second session of the Committee of 62 — to be discussed later — this oral information sounds reliable.
See for this and the following information Kahin, Nationalism, p. 127; compare Benda, The Crescent, p. 194. Recently Moh. Hatta tried once more to separate the truth from the myth surrounding the proclamation of Independence, in Sekitar Proklamasi 17 Agustus 1945, Djakarta 1969; part of this was already published in an article of Hatta’s in Mimbar Indonesia, no. 32/33, August 17th, 1951, which is also to be found in Osman Raliby, Documenta, pp. 655–659.
This illustration once more strengthens the impression that some people did not take the Djakarta Charter only as a religious stimulus but indeed as a legal principle to be followed in civil and criminal jurisdiction.
It is very odd that finally, by mistake, the word Allah did remain in the press publication which is regarded as the official publication of the 1945 Constitution, namely Berita Republik Indonesia, 1946, no. 7.
Cf. Van Nieuwenhuijze on `Deconfessionalized’ Muslim Concepts, in Aspects, p. 208 ff.
W. B. Sidjabat, Religious Tolerance, p. 74. The author translated “Ketuhanan Jang Maha Esa” with “the Divine Omnipotence”. Another Indonesian Christian theologian suggested “The Absolute Lordship” (Harun Hadiwijono, Man in the Present Javanese Mysticism, Baarn, the Netherlands, 1967 ). I myself would prefer to maintain the translation “Belief in the One and Only God”.
Wahid Hasjim, p. 478.
Indonesisch Bulletin, publication of the Indonesian Information Service, The Hague, March 1953 (IV, 3, p. 7 ).
Kahin, Nationalism, p. 148.
Indonesisch Bulletin, p. 7 ff.
Kahin, Nationalism, p. 158 ff. An analysis of the later political parties can be found in Feith, The Decline, pp. 122–145.
This information and much of what follows can be found in Wahid Hasjim, p. 349 ff.
Kahin, Nationalism, pp. 157–158.
Apart from the books of Kahin and Feith, a list of all Indonesian cabinets between 1945 and 1956 and their composition can be found in the Ensiklopedia Indonesia, published under the editorship of T. S. G. Mulia and K. A. H. Hidding, with help from Muh. Natsir as far as Islam is concerned, 3 Vol., Bandung, no date.
A résumé of the Assemblies between 1945 and 1954 is given by Wahid Hasjim, pp. 349–377. Cf. Kahin, Nationalism, pp. 305–311.
Wahid Hasjim, p. 357. According to oral information received from some ex-Masjumi leaders the Masjumi as a party fought for an Islamic society but not for an Islamic State. The quotation seems to be in conflict with this information; we should, however, take into account the possibility that the quotation is not correct, at least as far as the use of capital letters (“Islamic State”) is concerned.
One can assume that among the Masjumi leaders Muh. Natsir in particular would have continuously stressed this “ecumenical” or pan-Islamic ideal.
Kahin, Nationalism, p. 311, n. 4.
Wahid Hasjim, p. 505.
Cf. Smith, Islam, p. 20: “The word usually translated `orthodox’, sunni, actually means rather `orthoprax’, if we may use the term. A good Muslim is… one whose commitment may be expressed in practical terms that conform to an accepted code”.
Wahid Hasjim, p. 509.
Wahid Hasjim, pp. 511–512.
Wahid Hasjim, p. 377.
Feith, The Decline, p. 234.
Wahid Hasjim, pp. 740–741. The successful youth movement referied to is the present-day ANSOR, founded in 1934. “Ansor” is the Indonesian pronunciation of the Arabic anc¢r (al-an¢âr were the Medinan helpers of the Prophet when he arrived at Medina in A.D. 622). The basis and aim of this ANSOR are to be found in Anggaran Dasar dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga Gerakan Pemuda ANSOR, Djakarta 1964. The history of ANSOR and its predecessors is sketched in Wahid Hasjim, pp. 547–559.
Wahid Hasjim, p. 758.
Feith, The Decline, pp. 449–450.
Herbert Feith, The Indonesian Elections of 1955, Interim Reports Series, Cornell University, 1957.
Compare W. F. Wertheim, Indonesian Society in Transition, The Hague 19692, p. 345.
a See the recent standard work by C. van Dijk (ADDENDA, p. 283 below).
The chief publications are: Van Nieuwenhuijze, The Dar ul-Islam movement in Western Java till 1949, in Aspects, pp. 161–179; Kahin, Nationalism, pp. 326–331; Feith, The Decline, passim; Henri J. Alers, Om een Rode of Groene Merdeka, Eindhoven (?), 1956, pp. 240–274. Indonesian sources are: Pinardi, Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosuwirjo, Djakarta 1964; Bahar Mattalioe (one-time comrade in arms, later opponent of Kahar Muzakkar), Kahar Muzakkar dengan Petualangannja, Djakarta 1965; furthermore there appeared small pamphlets intended to be read by the Forces, such as Zainabun Harahap, Operasi-operasi Militer Menumpas Kahar Muzakkar, Djakarta 1965, and Anne Marie Thé, Darah Tersimbah di Djawa Barat, Djakarta 19682. Further material was obtained from military archives and orally on the spot; the latter applies for Atjeh in particular.
Pinardi, Kartosuwirjo, pp. 27–28.
Pinardi, Kartosuwirjo, p. 21. So Kartosuwirjo did not study in Batavia (Djakarta) as Van Nieuwenhuijze believed (Aspects, p. 167), and it is quite impossible that “he served as president of the Batavia branch of PSII, before becoming vice-president of the central board of the party in 1924” (Aspects, p. 168).
J. M. Pluvier, Overzicht van de ontwikkeling der Nationalistische Beweging in Indonesiè in de jaren 1930 tot 1942, ’s-Gravenhage/Bandung 1953, p. 117 (compare also pp. 70–75). According to Van Nieuwenhuijze, Aspects, p. 168, it could be said that Kartosuwirjo already “overtly preached the ideals of the ddr ul-Islam, the Islamic state”, between 1935 and 1940 in Malangbong.
As-suffa (rendered “bench”, “banquette”, “estrade”, etc.) was probably a long covered portico in the courtyard of the prophet’s house and temporary mosque at Medina. According to later traditions, in particular from ascetic and mystical circles, the “people of the,suffa” were a group of poor and pious Muslims who lived there, spending their time in study and worship (cf. W. Montgomery Watt’s article Ahl al-, uffa in The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new edition, Leiden 1960, and his book on Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1966, pp. 305–306). The word suffa was sometimes considered the origin of the term tasawwuf (sufism, mysticism). Pinardi, Kartosuwirjo, p. 26, translates the word as meaning inner purification, thus perhaps following the Indonesian interpretation also intended by Kartosuwirjo, who was not a kiyai or ulama interested in Islamic law, but was drawn towards mysticism and magical ideas on invulnerability, etc.
Cf. Alers, Rode of Groene, p. 73 and p. 240 ff. 121 Van Nieuwenhuijze, Aspects, p. 170.
Alers, Rode of Groene, p. 243.
Pinardi, Kartosuwirjo, p. 59.
Compare also Van Nieuwenhuijze, Aspects, p. 173. The sociological approach to the background of the D.I. in West Java as given by Kahin, Nationalism, pp. 327–328 — viz. that the dissatisfaction among the peasantry in West Java came about because many small farmers had lost their land to Indonesian landlords in the towns during the first years after 1945 — seems somewhat far-fetched and at least in conflict with the small true following and sympathy which Kartosuwirjo apparently enjoyed even from this part of the population. Perhaps more important were other factors, mentioned by Pinardi (Kartosuwirjo, p. 152 ff.), for instance the disappointment and uneasiness of the population in West Java caused by the withdrawal of the national army and Kartosuwirjo’s ability to make use of religious, mystical and magical beliefs among the common people of the countryside.
For the Indonesian text of the Kanun Azasy see Appendix IV. 126 Van Nieuwenhuijze, Aspects, p. 173.
According to Alers, Rode of Groene, p. 251, Wali Alfatah left on June 8th, was taken prisoner by the Darul Islam, and on June 20th was released by Republican soldiers. Feith, The Decline, p. 172, gives the impression that it occurred during the Natsir cabinet, that is to say, after September 6th, 1950; likewise Anne Marie Thé, Darah, p. 9.
According to Anne Marie Thé, Darah, p. 10.
I have considered the text of this letter curious enough to warrant putting it in full in Indonesian at the end of this book (see Appendix II).
Cf. M. Natsir, Capita Selecta, Bandung/Djakarta 1954/1957, Vol. II, pp. 8–10.
For the text of this letter see Appendix III.
Cf. Feith, The Decline, p. 211.
Cf. Pinardi, Kartosuwirjo, pp. 103–150.
Feith, The Decline, p. 81.
Cf. Pinardi, Kartosuwirjo, p. 48.
Cf. Anne Marie Thé, Darah, p. 16.
On December 19th, 1947 a representative of the Republic of Indonesia informed the United Nations that the number of victims in South Sulawesi could be estimated at 20,000–40,000. In an official Dutch report (Rapport Enthoven) dating from 1948, the total number of victims was said to be 3,114 (see Nota betreffende het Archievenonderzoek naar gegevens omtrent excessen in Indonesië begaan door Nederlandse militairen in de periode 1945–1950, ’s-Gravenhage 1969, Bijlage 2, p. 17).
Zainabun Harahap, Operasi, p. 6.
Feith, The Decline, p. 214.
Bahar Mattalioe, Kahar, p. 37.
Bahar Mattalioe, Kahar, p. 38 and pp. 82–89; it may be possible to collect more complete material on this question.
Cf. Bahar Mattalioe, Kahar, p. 63.
Cf. Bahar Mattalioe, Kahar, pp. 50–57; it may not be impossible to get a copy of this pamphlet by Kahar (entitled “Tjatatan Bathin” or “Revolusi Bathin” ?), although the authorities ordered all copies to be destroyed.
Bahar Mattalioe, Kahar, p. 80.
Drewes in Unity, ed. by Von Grunebaum, p. 308.
Perhaps we should also ask to what extent such conflicts between Muslims and Christians were in fact caused by differences between certain ethnic groups of the population (suku) and, for example, are partly to be explained as a reaction of (Muslim) Buginese and Makassarese people against the constantly increasing influence of the (Christian) Toradja people in South Sulawesi and in the city of Makassar. To what extent did this background even play a role in the incidents of October 1st, 1967?
Who was this person? Could it by chance be a certain Hassan Tiro? If not, who then was or is Hassan Tiro? According to vague information, a certain Hassan Tiro, an Atjehnese, acted as representative of the D.I. movement abroad, later on lived in the U.S.A. and acted there as “representative” of the prohibited Egyptian organization of the “Muslim Brethren”.
Bahar Mattalioe, Kahar, p. 57 ff.
Bahar Mattalioe, Kahar, p. 89 ff.; exact information on these contacts cannot be culled from this source, as the author is obviously confused as to the historical order of events.
Cf. Zainabun Harahap, Operasi, p. 9 ff.
According to Atjehnese records, however, the Sultan continued to be active in secret, even in captivity, and Atjeh never capitulated to the colonial powers. For example, see T. Alibasjah Talsya (beside Ali Hasjmy one of the modern Atjehnese writers and poets), Atjeh tidak pernah menjerahkan kedaulatan kepada Belanda, in Sinar Darussalam, Madjallah Pengetahuan dan Kebudajaan (an Atjehnese monthly), no. 12, March-April 1969, pp. 59–65.
A. J. Piekaar, Atjèh en de oorlog met Japan, ’s-Gravenhage/Bandung 1949. Atjehnese sources with scattered information concerning the developments in Atjeh during the Japanese period and after are the following books and pamphlets: Modal Revolusi 45, ed. by Seksi Penerangan/Dokumentasi Komité Musjawarah Angkatan 45 Daerah Istimewa Atjeh, 1961; Atjeh Membangun, ed. by Pemerintah Daerah Istimewa Atjeh, 1961; Darussalam, ed. by Jajasan Dana Kesedjahteraan Atjeh, 1963; and finally the stencilled publication Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Atjeh (Dalam sedjarah pembentukan dan perkembangan Pemerintahan di Atjeh sedjak Proklamasi 1945 sampai awal tahun 1968) dan Produk-produk Legislatif, ed. by Sekretariat D.P.R.D.G.R. Propinsi Daerah Istimewa Atjeh, 1968.
C. Snouck Hurgronje, The Achehnese, Leiden 1906, Vol. I, p. 153.
Piekaar, Atjèh, p. 330.
Piekaar, Atjèh, pp. 234–235.
A copy of this propaganda pamphlet has been printed from a block in the abovementioned booklet Modal Revolusi, p. 28.
Cf. Piekaar, Atjèh, p. 247.
Printed in Modal Revolusi from a block, p. 61.
Piekaar, Atjèh, p. 250.
Piekaar, Atjèh, pp. 238 and 257, mentioned this Nazir, appointed by the Japanese as ulèëbalang of Tapa’tuan and later officer in the “people’s army”. Piekaar supposed that Nazir did not come from an ulèëbalang family. Information which I got in Atjeh supports this guess. I was told that Nazir, as an ordinary boy from South Atjeh, had had a secondary modern school education and came under Communist influence at that time; later on it was clear that he had connections with the Politburo. Via the A.P.I. youth movement of Japanese origin, he became an officer in the national army. After the unsuccessful coup d’etat of September 30th, 1965, Nazir was arrested. His family and relatives in Atjeh were for the most part murdered, although — according to an Atjehnese informant — they were probably not Communists at all. Nazir himself was sentenced to death by a military court in Medan in 1968, because he was considered to have been involved in the attempted coup d’etat in 1965.
Feith, The Decline, p. 345.
Mers, Rode of Groene, p. 269.
Alers, Rode of Groene, pp. 269–270, supposes that Daud Beureu’éh still had confidence in the Wilopo cabinet (March 1952) but he makes the mistake of calling this P.N.I. leader Wilopo a Masjumi member.
What reactions the Bataks, as dog and pig-keeping Christians, provoke in their northerly neighbours, the strictly Islamic Atjehnese, is told in a way hardly flattering to the Bataks by M. P. M. Muskens, Indonesië, Een strijd om nationale identiteit, thesis Nijmegen 1969, p. 325 ff.
Mohd. Arsjad Thalib Lubis, Tuntunan Perang Sabil, Medan 1946; the second, unaltered edition is called Penuntun Perang Sabil, Medan 1957.
Wahid Hasjim, p. 210.
Mohd.) Arsjad Thalib Lubis, Keesaan TUHAN menurut adjaran Kristen dan Islam, Medan 1968.
Aziz Thaib, Islam dengan Politik, Boekit Tinggi, no date; perhaps this writer, who is unknown to me, lived at that time in Central Sumatra and had something to do with the Republican Ministry of Information.
N.I.C.A. = the Netherlands Indies Civil Administration, the provisional Dutch East Indies administration which returned at that time.
HAMKA, Revolusi Agama, Djakarta 19492; the author, originally a writer, is now an influential publisher in the religious field, editor-in-chief of the magazine Pandji Masjarakat, imam of the Al-Azhar Mosque in Kebajoran Baru (Djakarta), and professor at the Al-Azhar University recently established there.
This political awareness, linked to the reform movement in Islam, is a much loved theme in the publications of HAMKA, son of a West Sumatran teacher of religion and himself a passionate adherent of the Muhammadijah and Masjumi.
Compare Sura 13:11, which modern Muslims like to quote and comment on as follows: God does not change the conditions of a people as long as that people does not itself make changes in the causes for its backwardness (Cf. Al Quräan dan Terdjemahnja, ed. by the Ministry of Religion, Djakarta 1965–1969, Vol. II, p. 370, n. 768).
Feith, The Decline, p. 137.
Wahid Hasjim, pp. 219–225, gives a short biography of Isa Anshary. 180 M. Isa Anshary, Falsafah Perdjuangan Islam, Bandung 1949.
Moh. Natsir, Islam sebagai Ideologi, with a short sketch of Natsir’s life by Tamar Djaja, Djakarta, no date.
This should be: “Islam is indeed much more than a system of theology; it is a complete civilization”; H. A. R. Gibb, Whither Islam?, p. 12. In this correct form it was quoted and translated by Natsir in 1936, perhaps for the first time in an Indonesian publication; cf. Capita Selecta, I, p. 3. As to the exact meaning of Gibb’s words, we have to return to C. H. Becker, who stated that originally Islam was purely a religion, then after 622 (in Medina) also became a political power and during the next centuries developed into a complete civilization (especially during the CAbbâsids). Afterwards, however, Islam lost its political power and in this way has continued to exist only as a religion and civilization. See his Islamstudien, I, Leipzig 1924, pp. 1–23.
More correct and, I believe, worth considering, is Von Grunebaum’s definition: “The principal difference between Islam and Christianity as sociological entities is that Islam can, but Christianity cannot, be viewed as a community of the `nation’ type” (G. E. von Grunebaum, Modern Islam, p. 181).
M. Natsir, Capita Selecta, Vol. I, Bandung-’s-Gravenhage 1954; Vol. II, Djakarta 1957. Although Natsir does not have any political function at this moment, he is still an influential leader and he probably still has a part to play.
Muhammad Asad (Leopold Weiss), Undang-undang Politik Islam, Djakarta 1954.
Abu Hanifah, Soal Agama dalam Negara Modern, Djakarta 1949. The author clashed later on with the leaders of the Masjumi, in particular with Natsir, who according to him — if I am well informed — seemed sometimes more interested in Islamic and pan-Islamic questions than in political and Indonesian national problems.
Z. A. Ahmad, Konsepsi Tatanegara Islam, Djakarta 1949; the writer seems to come from Medan, but afterwards lived in Java and was known as a friend of Natsir, Isa Anshary and other Masjumi leaders.
M. Sj. Ibnu Amatillah, Analyse: Mungkinkah Negara Indonesia bersendikan Islam?, Semarang 1950.
Mohd. Hasbi Ash-Shiddiqy, Dasar-dasar Pemerintahan Islam, Medan 1950. Soon after this publication the writer was appointed professor in Jogjakarta We shall very often come across his name again in connection with other publications.
In 1968 the same writer published a separate pamphlet on Baital Mal which will be mentioned again in the last chapter of this book.
Abikusno Tjokrosujoso, Ummat Islam Indonesia Menghadapi Pemilihan Umum, Djakarta 1953.
Masjumi, pendukung Republik Indonesia, ed. by Pusat Komité Aksi Pemilihan Umum Masjumi, no date.
To illustrate this conflict, one could recall an example taken from the election campaign: the Communist Party promised land-reform by the redistribution of land among the peasantry; the Masjumi propaganda answered: “The Communists promise us all a bit of land, but what they will give us will be too little and too late — a grave!”
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© 1982 Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht
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Boland, B.J. (1982). The Political Struggle (1945–1955). In: The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia. Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, vol 59. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-7895-2_2
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