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Copernicus, Apollo, and Herakles

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The Uses of Antiquity

Part of the book series: Australasian Studies in History and Philosophy of Science ((AUST,volume 10))

Abstract

Copernicus’ personal seal (Fig. 1) is an image taken from classical antiquity. It depicts a near-naked man standing in a distinctive pose, with something flexible slung over his shoulder, while he holds up, and probably plays, a lyre. In an analysis of this seal, Mossakowski identifies the ‘man’ as Apollo, the principal solar deity of late antiquity, and argues that the image is an emblem of cosmic concord:1 its use by the astronomer expresses his belief that the sun binds the universe together in some sort of harmonious unity. It expresses, in other words, the philosophical values already recognised as generating Copernican dissatisfaction with traditional Ptolemaic astronomy.

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References

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  3. The poem was apparently thought to be Virgilian in the Renaissance: Stanislaw Mossakowski. ‘The Symbolic Meaning of Copernicus’ Seal.’ Journal of the History of Ideas, 34: 451–460 (1973). and

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  4. Edgar Wind, Pagan mysteries in the Renaissance, rev. edn. New York (1968), pp. 267–8. The next line of Nomina Musarum describes the sun (Apollo-Phoebus) as ‘residing in the middle’ (in medio residens).

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  6. A good seventeenth century examples is provided in the Galerie d’Apollon at the Louvre: one of the main ceiling paintings here depicts Apollo with his lyre, accompanied by his sister Artemis. The immediately neighbouring panel contains a painting of the zodiac, and another depicts Apollo’s victory over Python, while the whole room is full of references to astronomy, music, the Muses, and Apollo. A particular clear (but rather late) example is the ceiling painting (by Lemoine, dated 1733–6) in the Hercules Drawing Room at Versailles. Though the main theme here is the Apotheosis of the hero, the harmony of the universe is overtly referred to by the inclusion of Apollo and the Muses: one of the latter (Euterpe?) plays a lyre, next to another (Urania?) who holds a celestial globe. There are also many references to Herakles in the original seventeenth century portions of the palace. Two good earlier examples of this imagery, neither attached to a strictly royal palace, are provided by the Piazza della Signoria in Florence, and the main entrance stairway to the Doge’s palace in Venice. The latter is flanked by a pair of Herculean statues, one holding the celestial globe, and the other defeating the Lernaean hydra. The Piazza is dominated by numerous statues of heros who represent the myth-complex discussed in the body of the present paper: Herakles (and Cacus), David, Perseus, Judith (and Holofernes), and a celestial Neptune — all paralleling an equestrian Cosimo I de’ Medici — while the whole cycle of Herakles’ labours is represented inside the Palazzo Vecchio. For some further literature see n. 6, on pp. 97–8 of Keith Hutchison, ‘Towards a Political Iconology of the Copernican Revolution’, on pp. 95–141 of Patrick Curry (ed.), Astrology, Science and Society, Woodbridge, Suffolk (1987), and Mario Biagioli, ‘Galileo the Emblem-Maker,’ Isis, 81: 230–58 (1990).

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  70. Robert Graves, The Greek Myths, 2 Vols. Harmondsworth (1966), passim, esp. II, pp. 87(§i), 89(n. 2), 103(n. 3), 105(§h), 106–7(nn. 1, 3), 108–9(§g and n. 2), 114(§g), 151(n. 3). The lion, the bull, the scorpion, the water-snake (sic), the crab, and the centaur are the zodiacal constellations which Graves explicitly notes to be connected with Herakles’ labours.

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  71. Cf. C. Kerényi, The Heroes of the Greeks, London (1974), pp. 143

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  75. Abraham Fraunce, The Third Part ofYuychurch, London (1599); James Henry’s commentary on the line of Virgil just cited, in his Aeneidea, or Critical, Exegetical and Aesthetical Remarks on the Aeneis, Vol. I, London (1873), p. 852.

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  80. Compare: Robert Graves, The Greek Myths, 2 Vols. Harmondsworth (1966), passim, esp. II, 150–1n1. For Renaissance examples, see below note 37.

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  93. Joseph Fontenrose, Python: A Study of Delphic Myth and its Origins, Berkeley (1959), pp. 111–2, has a whole chapter on this theme (pp. 217–73) but he tends to take the issues which concern us here for granted, and I plan to prepare a further study of this issue as a sequel to the present paper. For Fontenrose does not provide systematic evidence for the links between combat and cosmic harmony, beyond those implied in the occurrence of monster-combat in creation myths, where the harmony of the universe is established. The sort of primary evidence used to establish my more general interpretation is that provided in Plutarch’s discussion of the myth of Isis and Osiris, Moralia, 351C–384C (= Loeb V, pp. 6 –191), and books I and II of Nonnos, Dionysiaca, (= Loeb I, pp. 2–97), the most important cosmic passages being I.163–258, II.163–435, 565–619, 650–678.

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  101. But the image was a common one in ancient literature: Joseph Fontenrose, Python: A Study of Delphic Myth and its Origins, Berkeley (1959), pp. 152

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Hutchison, K. (1991). Copernicus, Apollo, and Herakles. In: Gaukroger, S. (eds) The Uses of Antiquity. Australasian Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, vol 10. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-3412-5_1

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