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The Colonial “Model” and the Emergence of National Science in India: 1876–1920

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Science and Empires

Part of the book series: Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science ((BSPS,volume 136))

Abstract

Basalla’s three stages “model” for the spread of modern, Western science has in recent years come under serious criticism1. The inadequacy of this diffusionist “model” to reflect sufficiently upon the sociocultural and politico-economic relations of Western science with recipient cultures continues to draw the attention of scholars. In doing so, the analysis of individual scientists, scientific institutions and the practice of science is increasingly brought within the ambit of sociology of knowledge in a historical mould2. Such an approach enables us to penetrate beneath the contours of the colonial science “model” of Basalla to enquire how recipient cultures perceive and respond to Western science and how the experience of one society varies across other cultural contexts. Recognizing that a justification for such an exercise requires a larger work than the present paper, an attempt is made here to focus on the scientific enterprise in India during 1876–1920. It focuses largely on the period prominently categorized as colonial science by Basalla. Further, this paper attempts to examine Basalla’s inescapable conclusion that “colonial science contains in an embryonic form, some of the essential features of the next stage” through the definition of colonial scientist.

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Notes

  1. G. Basalla, “The Spread of Western Science”, in Science,vol.156, n°3775, 1967, p.611–622; for critical examination of Basalla’s “model” see Ian Inkster,” Scientific En- terprise in Historical Context”, Social Studies of Science, Vol.15, 1985, p.677–706; and Roy MacLeod, “On Visiting the Moving Metropolis: Reflections on the Architecture of Imperial ‘Science’”, Historical Records of Australian Science, vol.5, n° 3, 1982, p.1–16.

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  3. G. Basalla, “The Spread of Western Science”, in Science,vol.156, n°3775, 1967, p.611–622; for critical examination of Basalla’s “model” see Ian Inkster,” Scientific En- terprise in Historical Context”, Social Studies of Science, Vol.15, 1985, p.677–706; and Roy MacLeod, “On Visiting the Moving Metropolis: Reflections on the Architecture of Imperial ‘Science’”, Historical Records of Australian Science, vol.5, n° 3, 1982, p.1–16.

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  4. See MacLeod, G. Basalla, “The Spread of Western Science”, in Science,vol.156, n°3775, 1967, p.611–622; for critical examination of Basalla’s “model” see Ian Inkster,” Scientific En- terprise in Historical Context”, Social Studies of Science, Vol.15, 1985, p.677–706; and Roy MacLeod, “On Visiting the Moving Metropolis: Reflections on the Architecture of Imperial ‘Science’”, Historical Records of Australian Science, vol.5, n° 3, 1982, p.1–16.

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  9. These examples are taken from an excellent study by W. H. G. Armytage, A Social History of Engineering, London: Faber and Faber, 1961, p. 164–167.

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  10. In contrast to “scientific soldiers”, some foreign scientists and missionaries were attached to India. Father Lafont joined St. Xavier College in 1865 and died in Calcutta in 1908. He was in fact one of the founders of the I ACS. David Hare, a watch maker, came to Calcutta in 1800 at 25, later founded the Great Hindu College in 1817 with R. M. Roy and died in Calcutta in 1842.

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  15. For little more details of the associations, see Sumit Sarkar, The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal 1903–1908, New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1977.

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  16. For little more details of the associations, see Sumit Sarkar, The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal 1903–1908,New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1977.

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  18. NCE drew curriculum of 3 years of primary, 7 years of secondary and 4 years of collegiate course. Many eminent persons taught at the college including Dharmanand Kosambi, father of D. D. Kosambi. In 1908 there were 450 students.

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  19. Shiv Visvanathan, Organizing for Science: The Making of an Industrial Research Laboratory, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1985.

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  20. At its third session in 1887 the Indian National Congress demanded that the government “elaborates a system of technical education”. Later in 1888 it demanded the constitution of a commission to enquire into the state of technical education. See Congress Resolutions VII, X, XII & XV for the years 1887, 1888, 1891 to 1893 respectively.

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  21. The Dawn Magazine, Calcutta, from September 1910 to February 1911 traced a detailed history of the Kala Bhavan. Material used here is drawn from these sources.

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  22. The Dawn Magazine, Calcutta, from September 1910 to February 1911 traced a detailed history of the Kala Bhavan. Material used here is drawn from these sources. See also Dhruv Raina and S. Irfan Habib’s paper, this volume.

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  23. The Dawn Magazine, Calcutta, from September 1910 to February 1911 traced a detailed history of the Kala Bhavan. Material used here is drawn from these sources. See also Dhruv Raina and S. Irfan Habib’s paper, this volume.

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  24. K. R. Kirtikar, “The Study of Natural Sciences in the Indian Universities”, Part I to V, The Modern Review, Calcutta, 1909. Kirtikar studied the native Indian contribution to the development of science education in affiliated colleges.

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  26. K. R. Kirtikar, “The Study of Natural Sciences in the Indian Universities”, Part I to V, The Modern Review, Calcutta, 1909. Kirtikar studied the native Indian contribution to the development of science education in affiliated colleges.

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  27. See Sumit Sarkar, For little more details of the associations, see Sumit Sarkar, The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal 1903–1908,New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1977.

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  28. In 1879–80, private aid was 54% of the total expenditure on education in Bengal which was increased to 56%. Bengal Administration Report, 1880–81 p.53 quoted in D. Kumar, Science Policy of the Raj, 1857–1905, Ph. D. thesis, Delhi University, 1986.

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  29. Report on Industrial Education, Part II, National Archives of India, New Delhi, 1903. This report covers Punjab Science Institute, Lahore. For detailed studies on Aligarh and Bihar Scientific Societies, see Irfan Habib, “Institutional Efforts: Popularization of Science in the mid-19th Century”, Fundamenta scientiae, vol.6 n° 4, 1985, p.299–312.

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  30. Books on pure mathematics by Tod Hanler, Bernard Smith, Galbraith and Haughton were translated. A model farm of agriculture to cultivate modern methods was created by Aligarh Society. Foreign varieties of wheat, cotton and vegetables were imported. Bihar Society established five schools in which Western sciences were taught.

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  31. Deepak Kumar, In 1879–80, private aid was 54% of the total expenditure on education in Bengal which was increased to 56%. Bengal Administration Report, 1880–81 p.53 quoted in D. Kumar, Science Policy of the Raj, 1857–1905, Ph. D. thesis, Delhi University, 1986.

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  32. Address from R. M. Roy to the Governor General protesting against the establishment of the Calcutta Sanskrit College, Dec. 1823, see J. K. Majumdar (ed), Raja R. M. Roy and Progressive Movements in India: A selection from Records (1775–1845), Calcutta: Art Press, 1941.

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  33. Sumit Sarkar gives an excellent exposition of this debate in his book swadeshi movement, For little more details of the associations, see Sumit Sarkar, The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal 1903–1908,New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1977. See also J. F. Hilliker, “The Creation of a Middle Class as a Goal of Educational Policy in Bengal 1853–54, in C. H. Phillips, M. D. Waivwright (Eds), Indian Society and the Beginnings of Modernization: 1800–1850, School of Indian and African Studies, University of London, 1970.

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  35. D. P. Bhattacharya, R. Chakravarty and R. D. Roy, “A Survey of Bengali writings on Science and Technology”, Indian Journal of History of Science, 24 (1) p.8–66, 1989.

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  36. D. P. Bhattacharya, R. Chakravarty and R. D. Roy, “A Survey of Bengali writings on Science and Technology”, Indian Journal of History of Science, 24 (1) p.8–66, 1989.

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  37. Selected from excellent survey conducted by D. P. Bhattacharya et al., D. P. Bhattacharya, R. Chakravarty and R. D. Roy, “A Survey of Bengali writings on Science and Technology”, Indian Journal of History of Science, 24 (1) p.8–66, 1989.Delhi.

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  38. Selected from excellent survey conducted by D. P. Bhattacharya et al., D. P. Bhattacharya, R. Chakravarty and R. D. Roy, “A Survey of Bengali writings on Science and Technology”, Indian Journal of History of Science, 24 (1) p.8–66, 1989.Delhi.

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  39. A. K. Biswas, “Eugene Lafont and the Scientific Activity of Saint Xavier College, Calcutta (1860–1910)”, paper presented at a seminar on “Calcutta and Science”, December 21–23, 1989, BITM, Calcutta.

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  40. J. C. Bose, “The History of a Failure that was Great”, in Dibakar Sen and A. K. Chakrabarty, Dibakar Sen and A. K. Chakrabarty (eds), J. C. Bose Speaks,Calcutta: Puthipatra, 1986, p.97–105.

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  41. See D. Bose’s article on “J. C. Bose and the Indian Tradition of Science” in D. Sen and A. K. Chakrabarty, Dibakar Sen and A. K. Chakrabarty (eds), J. C. Bose Speaks,Calcutta: Puthipatra, 1986, p.97–105. Pr. Sathianadhan interviewed J. C. Bose in 1896, J. C. Bose who mentionned two assistants: “My young assistant not a graduate has within a short time developed great originality and has rendered me very efficient help in the construction of my apparatus. Lastly, a bearer, employed as a menial servant, now arranges for me the most difficult experiments, manages the Dynamics-Machine and is a good photographer”, reported in The Dawn, October, 1902, p. 115. C. V. Raman shared many of J. C. Bose and M. L. Sircar’s views. See, G. Venkataraman, Journey into Light: Life and Science of C. V. Raman, Bangalore: Indian Academy of Sciences, 1988.

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  42. See Shiv Visvanathan, Shiv Visvanathan, Organizing for Science: The Making of an Industrial Research Laboratory, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1985, p.27.

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  43. The 261 papers are from J. C. Bose and co-authors 87; P. C. Ray and co-authors, 107; C. V. Raman and co-authors 46; S. N. Bose, 5; and A. Mukherjee, 16 from I ACS, Presidency College, University College of Science, Bose Research Institute and St. Xavier College only. Remaining papers are from the Indian School of Chemistry.

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  44. Lord Kelvin, commenting on the papers of J. C. Bose on polarization of the Electric ray, observed “I have found time to look all through the pamphlet although not to learn all its contents but I have seen enough to fill me literally with wonder and admiration”, reported in The Dawn, under J. C. Bose interviewed in 1896, November 1902, p.113.

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  45. Bose gave an experimental demonstration at a public function Calcutta town hall in 1894–95 in the presence of Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal. Marconi patented his discovery in England in 1896. The improved version of coherer, the electric wave receiver was patented by Sister Nivedita and Mrs. Ole Bull in USA on behalf of Bose. Unwilling to use his rights the patent lapsed.

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  47. S. N. Prasad, Progress of Science in Indian during the Past 25 Years, Calcutta: Indian Science Congress Association, 1938.

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  48. M. Visvesvaraya, Memoirs of my Working Life, Delhi: The Publication Division (NBT), 1951.

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  49. See Sidharth Ghosh, “Some Eminent Bengali Pioneers in the Field of Technology”, paper presented at a seminar on “Calcutta and science”, BITM, Calcutta, 21–23, Dec. 1989.

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  50. Rasiklal Datta, Nilratan Dhar, Jitendranath Rakshit, J. C. Ghosh, J. N. Sen, Jnanendranath Roy, Pulin Bihari Sarkar, A. C. Ghosh, P. C. Bose and G. C. Chakravorti are few of those chemists who achieved national recognition. For further details see P. C. Ray, “Essays and Discourses”, P. C. Ray, “The Place of Science in the Vernacular Literature”, in P. C. Ray (ed), Essays and Discourses, Madras: G.A. Natesan & Co. 191 8, p.136–137.

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  51. A. Dey, S. K. Banerjee, S. Appasamyar, S. K. Mitra, D. N. Ghosh, D. Banerjee, T. J. Chinmayanandan K. S. Rao are some of the scientists who constituted the “Raman’s School of Physics” up to 1920. See, A Century: I ACS, A Century: IACS, (centenary volume of IACS), Calcutta; IACS, 1976, p.9.

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  52. These four monographs are: Response in the Living and Non-Living (1902), Plant Response as a Means of Physiological Investigation (1906) with 315 experiments, Comparative Electro-Physiology (1907) with 321 experiments, Researches on Irritability of Plants (1913). See, Dibakar Sen and A. K. Chakrabarty, Dibakar Sen and A. K. Chakrabarty (eds), J. C. Bose Speaks, Calcutta: Puthipatra, 1986, p.97–105.

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  1. National Institute of Science, Technology and Development Studies, New Delhi, India

    V. V. Krishna

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Editors and Affiliations

  1. Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, REHSEIS, Paris et CRN, Strasbourg, France

    Patrick Petitjean

  2. Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, REHSEIS, Paris, France

    Catherine Jami

  3. Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique et Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale, U138, Paris, France

    Anne Marie Moulin

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Krishna, V.V. (1992). The Colonial “Model” and the Emergence of National Science in India: 1876–1920. In: Petitjean, P., Jami, C., Moulin, A.M. (eds) Science and Empires. Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science, vol 136. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-2594-9_8

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-2594-9_8

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