Abstract
It is often thought that the président’s method of studying positive law precluded any reference to natural law. What was Montesquieu’s method? Was it really different from that of the School of Natural Law?
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Notes
Joseph de La Porte, Observations sur l’Esprit des lois, ou l’art de lire ce livre, de l’entendre et d’en juger, Amsterdam, Mortier, 1751, pp. 10–11; cf. Domat, op. cit., Livre préliminaire, i, 2, paragraph 1, vol. I, p. 6.
2_We use the word moral here in the French sense of mental or intellectual.
Criticisms of the plan of the Lois are too numerous to mention; among the most remarkable defences of the plan are Barckhausen’s (Montesquieu, ses idées et ses œuvres, pp. 253–66) and Oudin’s (De l’unité de l’Esprit des lois, Rousseau, 1910 — a work greatly superior to his Le Spinozisme de Montesqueiu).
Cf. N. I, pp. B-C.
Three modern scholars holding this view are Seguin, ‘Montesquieu’ in É. Gallot, La Philosophie de la vie au XVIIIe siècle, étudiée chez Fontenelle, Montesquieu, Maupertuis, La Mettrie, Diderot, d’Holbach, Linné, Rivière, 1965, pp. 74–6 and 90; S. Gotta, Montesquieu e la scienza delia società, Turin, Ramella, 1953, p. 90; Starobinski, op. cit., p. 18.
Brunet, op. cit., pp. 84, n. 2, and 89-90.
Ibid., pp. 104-7, 113-21, and 124-9.
In particular, he accepted the Cartesian theory of vortices and rejected Newton’s theory of gravitation: P. 206, Bkn. 1458, N. II, p. 79, PL I, p. 1345 (1721-31); Spicilège 565, N. II, p. 848, PL II, p. 1370 (1730-34); P. 1380, Bkn. 927, N. II, p. 408, PL I, p. 1252 (1734-45).
Loc. cit.
See N. III, p. 113.
See also P. 76, Bkn. 690, N. II, pp. 23-4, PI. I, pp. 1187-8; cf. C. Beyer, ‘Montesquieu et l’esprit cartésien’, Congrès, pp. 161–2.
The sentence in square brackets was later deleted by M. and is not printed in PL I, p. 39.
Cf. Descartes, Discours, VI, p. 63 and Principes, II, xxxvii, xxxix and xlii, pp. 84, 86, 87-8, also Blake, Ducasse and Madden, op. cit., pp. 75-103; for a more favourable account of Descartes as an experimenter, see G. Milhaud, Descartes savant, Alcan, 1921, pp. 191-212, but even Milhaud admits (pp. 197, 204) that Descartes was only a good experimenter when he forgot his a priori theories. For two specialist accounts of M.’s Cartesianism in the sciences, see D. André,’ sur les écrits scientifiques de Montesquieu’, Correspondant, 1880, pp. 1054-81 and J. Jaffray, ‘La Carrière scientifique de Montesquieu’, La Nature, 1928, pp. 465-7.
Montesquieu, p. 9.
Ibid., pp. 10 and 68.
Ibid., p. 187.
Montesquieu l’homme et l’œuvre, p. 28.
Cf. n. 1 to p. 29 of the Ehrard edition of Montesquieu l’homme et Vœuvre.
Even though Oudin, Le Spinozisme de Montesquieu, p. 116, claims that Descartes put forward “les principes de la vraie méthode scientifique”.
Histoire de la science politique, vol. II, p. 399.
Barckhausen, Montesquieu, ses idées et ses œuvres, p. 15; G. R. Havens, From Reaction to Revolution, The Age of Ideas in Eighteenth-Century France, New York, Holt, 1955, pp. 101-2.
Étiemble, ‘Montesquieu’, in Encyclopédie de la Pléiade, vol. III, Gallimard, 1958, pp. 707–8; Loy, op. cit., p. 92-3.
Montesquieu, pp. 80–92.
Cf. Berlin, Montesquieu, p. 277.
The following scholars, the first three of whom have a specialized knowledge of constitutional law, claim that M.’s picture of the English Constitution is distorted: E. Eichthal, Souveraineté du peuple et gouvernement, Alcan, 1895, pp. 93, 123-4, 126-39; O. W. Holmes, Collected Legal Papers, Constable, 1920, p. 263; B. Mirkine-Guetzévitch, ‘De l’Esprit des lois à la démocratie moderne’, Bicentenaire, p. 14; Ehrard, Politique de Montesquieu, p. 127. For a contrary view, also by an expert, see C. Eisemann, ‘L’Esprit des lois et la séparation des pouvoirs’, Mélanges R. Carré de Malberg, Sirey, 1933, p. 184, n. 1; cf. also Loy, op. cit., pp. 110-11.
Among innumerable critics holding this view, see especially P. Vernière, ‘Montesquieu et le monde musulman’, Congrès, pp. 200–1.
Op. cit., Champion, 1929, p. 153.
Ibid., pp. 153-6.
‘Le Manuscrit des Geographica et l’Esprit des lois’ RHLF, 1952, pp. 456–9.
‘L’Influence de la philosophie cartésienne sur la littérature française’ [1896], Études d’histoire littéraire, Champion, 1929, p. 84.
‘L’Influence de la philosophie cartésienne’, pp. 85–9.
Lanson made this point in ‘Le Rôle de l’expérience dans la formation de la philosophie du XVIIIe siècle en France’, Revue du mois, 1910, p. 6. He restated it in a note to his ‘Le Déterminisme historique et l’idéalisme social dans l’Esprit des lois’ p. 135.
‘Montesquieu et la science politique’ IIe Centenaire, p. 154.
Montaigne, Essais, II, xii, Les Belles Lettres, vol. III, 1947, pp. 365–74; Pascal, Pensées, V, 294, in Œuvres de Blaise Pascal, Hachette, 1908-21, vol. XIII, pp. 214-22.
Cf. Davy, ‘Montesquien et la science politique’, pp. 153–4.
‘Montesquieu in 1948’, French Studies, 1949, pp. 309–12; M., p. 260.
Cours de philosophie positive, vol. IV, pp. 127–8.
Thèse de Bordeaux, p. 425; cf. p. 452.
Le Spinozisme de Montesquieu, p. 63.
In the Disc, prél., xli, vol. I, p. 24, Grotius claimed that universal consent is an indication only of the law of nations, not of the law of nature; but in the body of the work, I, i, 12, vol. I, pp. 53-4, he said that natural law itself can be derived a posteriori from universal consent; he used this a posteriori method particularly in the case of slavery and of international relations (see below, Ch. 6, II and IV).
Locke’s Essay on Human Understanding, cited in Pierre Coste’s famous translation, Essai philosophique concernant l’entendement humain, Amsterdam, Schelte, 1700, IV, iii, 18, p. 698. It was through this translation that many eighteenth-century philosophes became acquainted with Locke; cf. J. Hampton, ‘Les traductions françaises de Locke au XVIIIe siècle’, Revue de littérature comparée, 1955, pp. 240-51. M. owned Goste’s translation (D. 1489). Like Locke, Cumberland believed that morality can be foimulated scientifically, Traité philosophique des lois naturelles, i, 7, p. 47.
Thèse de Bordeaux, p.415; C.-J. Beyer, in ‘Le Problème du déterminisme social dans l’ Esprit des lois’, Romanic Review, 1948, pp. 103-4, exaggerates M.’s originality in the same way as Durkheim.
Cf. Courtney, ‘Montesquieu’, p. 36.
Cours de philosophie positive, vol. IV, p. 129.
Alengry, op. cit., p. 392; Bréhier, op. cit., vol. II, p. 374.
De republica, III, xxii, 33; in the Loeb edition, De republica, De legibus, p. 211.
Dn., VIII, i, 5, vol. II, p. 358; Malebranche, Entretiens sur la métaphysique et sur la religion [1688], VIII, xiv, in Œuvres complètes, Vrin, 1958-68, vol. XII, 1965, p. 192; Samuel Clarke, A Discourse Concerning the Being and Attributes of God [1704-5] [hereafter Discourse], in Works, Knapton, 1738, vol. II, p. 624-6.
Apart possibly from the slight doubt revealed in the last sentence, there is no evidence to support R. Caillois’ view that for M. justice is merely a convention (‘Montesquieu et l’athéisme contemporain’, Congrès, p. 335).
Cf. Aron, Les grandes doctrines, p. 46.
Politique d’Aristote, Dumont, 1848, Préface, p. lxxxviii.
Cf. P. Martino, ‘De Quelques résidus métaphysiques dans l‘Esprit des lois’ Revue d’histoire de la philosophie et d’histoire de la civilisation, 1946, p. 241.
Op. cit., pp. 44 and 33-4.
See below, Ch. 4, IV.
Le Spinozisme de Montesquieu, pp. 69–70.
See below, Ch. 4, IV.
An Essay on Man [1733-4], I, x, 1.294, Methuen, 1950, p. 51.
Cf. E. Bersot, ‘Montesquieu’, in Études sur le XVIIIe, siècle, Durand, 1855, vol. II, p. 317.
Cf. Lanson, ‘Le Déterminisme historique’, pp. 138–9.
Thèse de Bordeaux, pp. 420–1.
1752: I2th Proposition: see Beyer, ‘Montesquieu et la censure religieuse’, pp. 107–8, and p. 108, n. 1.
N. I, i, p. 43; Pl. II, p. 265; cf. Brethe de la Gressaye, Lois, vol. I, p. 259, n. 9, to p. 77, and M.’s Réponses et explications. N. III, p. 662, PL II, p. 1
Alengry, op. cit., pp. 390-1; G. Gurvitch, ‘La Sociologie juridique de Montesquieu’, Revue de métaphysique et de morale, 1939, p. 623.
Cf. Barrière, ‘L’Humanisme de l’Esprit des lois’, p. 49, and Meyer, ‘Politics and Morals …’, pp. 871-2.
Durkheim, Thèse de Bordeaux, p. 420, n. 2; Alengry, loc. cit.; Gurvitch, loc. cit.
Brethe de la Gressaye, Lois, vol. II, pp. 427–8, n. 20, to p. 247.
See below, pp. 112-5.
Janet, Histoire de la science politique, vol. II, p. 366; cf. P. Archambault, Montesquieu, choix de textes et introduction, Michaud, 1883, p. 42; J. Charmont, La Renaissance du droit naturel, Chauny et Quinsac, 1927, p. 39.
Cf. Franck, op. cit., p. 73; É. Faguet, La Politique comparée de Montesquieu, Rousseau et Voltaire, Lecène et Oudin, 1902, pp. 14–15; Dedieu, Montesquieu, p. 156.
Cf. V. Delbos, La Philosophie française, Pion, 1921, pp. 183–4, and Ehrard, Politique de Montesquieu, p. 124.
Montesquieu, livre premier de l’Esprit des lois, accompagné d’un commentaire, Hachette, 1897, P. 25.
Cf. De legibus, II, iv, 10; in the Loeb edition, De republica, De legibus, pp. 382-3.
Cf. Montesquieu e la scienza delia società, p. 372.
See Barckhausen, Montesquieu, l’Esprit des lois, p. 23; not given in Nagel, Pléiade or Brethe de la Gressaye editions.
Among the many critics who accept this interpretation of Lois, I, iii, see: Janet, Histoire de la science politique, vol. II, p. 330; Barckhausen, Montesquieu, ses idées et ses œuvres, p. 46; Brethe de la Gressaye, ‘La Philosophie du droit de Montesquieu’, Archives de philosophie du droit, Sirey, 1962, p. 208; Ehrard, ‘Les Études sur Montesquieu’, p. 66.
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Waddicor, M.H. (1970). The Originality of Montesquieu’s Method. In: Montesquieu and the Philosophy of Natural Law. Archives Internationales D’Histoire des Idées / International Archives of the History of Ideas, vol 37. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-3238-4_2
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