Abstract
The preceding chapter described the general possibilities for the application of adverbials in perfect constructions; this chapter focuses on lexically governed characteristics of adverbials. It will not, however, deal with idiomatic or nontemporal uses of temporal adverbials. Readers who are also interested in idiomatic uses of some of the adverbials are referred to the descriptive study of Schipporeit (1971). Nor do we aim at providing an extensive classification of temporal adverbials according to the full range of their lexically governed characteristics; surveys of this kind are presented in Fabricius-Hansen (1986) and Ehrich (1992). The discussion of individual adverbials in this chapter has profited much from the observations and descriptions contained in Schipporeit (1971) and in Fabricius-Hansen’s (1986) comprehensive study.
This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
This does not exactly correspond to Schipporeit’s view. She follows Weinrich (1964) in distinguishing between “Besprochene Welt” (‘factually described world’) and “Erzählte Welt” (‘narrated world’), and assumes that in the past tense of the “Erzählte Welt”, UTN-phrases are sensitive to the “past or narrative ‘Now’” (p45).
The example is taken from the Spiegel 27, 3.7.2000, p75.
The fact that at least some seit-adverbials can function as position adverbials has also been observed, for instance, by Schipporeit (1971).
The example is taken from Thomas Mann (1901), Buddenbrooks. DigWö, sentence 8103.
Rathert (1999a:60) lists some examples where the time interval introduced by a seit-adverbial seems to end before the tense time (The example here is simplified.): (a) Diese Männer haben seit 5 Jahren hier gearbeitet. Aber vor 3 Monaten haben wir sie these men have since 5 years here worked. but before 3 months have we them doch entlassen. yet dismissed This analysis, however, does not take into account that there are independent reasons in favor of the assumption that the tense time of a clause can cover relatively large time intervals and hence, in the case of present perfect constructions is not limited to the time of utterance (cf. chapters I-III). Thus, in the example above, it is very plausible to take as the tense time an environment of the time of utterance that is cataphorically given by the time since when the men were dismissed.
The example is taken from Thomas Mann (1901), Buddenbrooks. DigWö, sentence 4893.
The example is taken from Thomas Mann (1901), Buddenbrooks. DigWö, sentence 9357.
The example is taken from Thomas Mann (1924), Der Zauberberg. Dig Wö, sentence 11383.
The example is taken from Alfred Döblin (1929), Berlin Alexanderplatz. DigWö, sentence 2186.
The example is taken from the article “Aus dem Kulturleben,” 1945, DigWö, sentence 15.
The example is taken from Alfred Döblin (1929): Berlin Alexanderplatz. DigWö, sentence 69.
The example is taken from Alfred Döblin (1929): Berlin Alexanderplatz. DigWö, sentence 850.
The example is taken from the article “Wie lange dauern 1000 Jahre?” in the Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Internet Edition, 31.12.1998, DigWö.
The example is taken from Thomas Mann (1901), Buddenbrooks. DigWö, sentence 7067.
The example is taken from Thomas Mann (1901), Buddenbrooks. DigWö, sentence 11957.
Taken from a newspaper text from 1945 [DigWö].
Taken from the “Gesetz zur Regelung des Rechts der Allgemeinen Geschäftsbedingungen”, 1997:150 [DigWö].
Fabricius-Hansen (1986:206) captures this under the notion of “inhomogen nach dem adverbialintern fixierten Grenzintervall liegendes Wahrheitsintervall.”
The following formulation assumes that seit is an argument of three times (cf. Arnim von Stechow, pc): seit P (t)(t*)(t**) iff there is a t’, such that t’ ends at the left or right boundary of t & t’ begins at the left or right boundary of t* & t** ⊆ t’; where t is the tense time of the clause.
The account of Grewendorf (1995) is related to this type of approach insofar as it also assumes a kind of extended now. Since it contains an aspectual component, however, it should rather be classified as a complexity account.
In Fabricius-Hansen (1986), it is called “unechter Vergangenheitsbereich” (‘improper past interval’).
Von Stechow assumes with Herweg (1990) that stative VPs are properties of times while non-stative VPs are properties of events. Hence, strictly speaking the VP in (b) is reinterpreted as an event.
Examples like (3.3a) are not explicitly dealt with in von Stechow (1999). The representation in (3.6) is thus what I consider a plausible approach within the ExtendedNow account. The interpretation of the adverbial seit drei Stunden is sensitive to the reference time of its clause, i.e. in present perfect clauses the now.
The example is taken from Thomas Mann (1901): Buddenbrooks. DigWö, sentence 12170.
The example is taken from Heinrich Spoerl (1933): Die Feuerzangenbowle. DigWö, sentence 970.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Editor information
Editors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 2002 Springer Science+Business Media New York
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Musan, R. (2002). The Contribution of Particular Adverbials. In: Musan, R. (eds) The German Perfect. Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy, vol 78. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-0552-4_6
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-0552-4_6
Publisher Name: Springer, Dordrecht
Print ISBN: 978-1-4020-0822-1
Online ISBN: 978-94-010-0552-4
eBook Packages: Springer Book Archive