Advertisement

Southeast Asian Varieties

  • Fritjof Tichelman
Part of the Studies in Social History book series (SISH, volume 5)

Abstract

Vietnam and the Philippines differed from the model of Indianized Southeast Asian social formations in that both proved to be less stagnant and more receptive to external impulses. Vietnam represented an Asiatic variety but Filipino society stood quite apart, its evolution having deviated from all other important pre-capitalist societies in Asia. It was no pure coincidence that the Spaniards were so early and so easily able to push through and establish themselves in this least-developed area of Southeast Asia which, prior to the Spanish conquest, had not experienced any clear state-forming development and substantial class differentiation. Contact with Islam came too late to initiate political developments of any significance, while Chinese and Japanese trade as well as piracy led only to limited contact with those countries. In this case great inequality in power relations enabled the West to transform local primitive socioeconomic structures in the Philippines far more profoundly than was elsewhere possible in Southeast Asia.1

Keywords

Communist Party Land Reform Mekong Delta Village Community French Colon 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    Fisher, Southeast Asia, pp. 131–134, 698–700, 703; Benda, ‘Political Elites’, in: Continuity, p. 194; Wickberg, Chinese, pp. 3.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    Phelan, Hispanization, Chs III ff; Hall, A History, pp. 248 ff; Fisher, Southeast Asia, pp. 700–702; Levinson, Die Philipinen, pp. 16–17; Bastin and Benda, A History, pp. 26–27; Benda, ‘Structure’, in: Continuity, p. 135. See also: Wolters, Klasseverhoudingen, pp. 18 ff.Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    The Muslim Filipinos.Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    Benda, ‘Political Elites’, in: Continuity, p. 194; Benda, ‘Structure’, in: Id., pp. 202–203; Fisher, Southeast Asia, pp. 702, 724; Fitzgerald, Southern Expansion, pp. 154–155: Purcell. Chinese, pp. 530 ff, 538 ff; Heidhuess, Southeast Asian Chinese Minorities, pp. 9 ff; Golay, Philippines, pp. 23 ff. Golay emphasizes the pluralist character of the Filipino economy.Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    Levinson, Die Philipinen, pp. 18 ff, 31 ff, 235 ff; Golay, Philippines, pp. 25 ff, 49 ff, 241 ff, 312 ff; Fryer, Emerging Southeast Asia, pp. 200 ff. Carroll, (The Filipino Entrepreneur) deals with his subject in an abstract way (in vacuo) outside the concrete (semi) colonial context. The influence of American and other foreign capital remains very strong and tends to become even more so since the establishment of martial law. Chinese capital maintained itself quite well despite discriminatory rules and practice.Google Scholar
  6. 5a.
    Youngblood, ‘Philippine-American Relations’, in: PA, 50, 1, Spring 1977, pp. 52 ff; Kunio Yoshihara, ‘A Study’, in: Southeast Asia: Nature, Society and Develovment. pp. 246 ff. For the evaluation of agrarian relations, see: Wolters, Klasseverhoudingen, pp. 20 ff.Google Scholar
  7. 6.
    Myint, Southeast Asia’s Economy, pp. 26–27, 32–33; Golay, Philippines, pp. 23, 397–400,415; Fryer, Emerging Southeast, pp. 194–198.Google Scholar
  8. 7.
    Spencer, Land and People; Golay, Philippines, pp. 36 ff, 270 ff, 423424; Fisher, Southeast Asia, pp. 706 ff; Levinson, Die Philippinen, pp. 45 ff; Landé, Leaders, pp. 92–93; Larkin, Pampangans, pp. 103 ff; van den Muyzenberg, ‘Involutie’, in: Buiten de Grenzen. pp. 167 ff; Wolters, Klasseverhoudingen, pp. 325 ff;Keikvliet, Peasant Rebellion, pp. 432ff.Google Scholar
  9. 8.
    Carroll, Filipino Entrepreneur, pp. 36 ff; Fast, ‘Imperialism’, in: NLR, 82, Nov.Dec. 1973; Fisher, Southeast Asia, p. 727; Snyder, Patterns, p. 48; Golay, Philippines; Nowak and Snyder, ‘Economic Concentration’, in: Political Change, pp. 156 ff, play down the emerging contradictions between the traditional landed ruling class and the modern entrepreneurial bourgeoisie. Further see: Kunio Yoshihara, ‘A Study of Philippine Manufacturing Corporations’, in: Southeast Asia: Nature, Society and Development, pp. 244 ff.Google Scholar
  10. 9.
    Hall, A History, pp. 709, 719–724, 767; Agoncillo, Revolt, pp. 32 ff; Bastin and Benda, A History, pp. 100–101; Mahajani, Philippine Nationalism, pp. 57 ff, 120–205;Google Scholar
  11. 9a.
    Steinberg, ‘An Ambiguous Legacy’, in: PA, 45, 2, Summer 1972, pp. 167 ff.Google Scholar
  12. 10.
    Bastin and Benda, A History, pp. 55–56, 76, 171; Levinson, Die Philippinen, passim; Golay, Philippines, pp. 9, 11, 30, 421. For the American economical position see also: Jenkins, American Economy Policy.Google Scholar
  13. 11.
    Landé, Leaders, pp. 4 ff and passim. Landé emphasizes that ‘third parties’ have so far failed. Id., pp. 83 ff. Many Filipinos speak about a ‘one-party two faction’-system. Meadows, ‘Colonialism’, in: PA, 44, 3, Fall 1971, p. 343.Google Scholar
  14. 12.
    Fisher, Southeast Asia, p. 227; Kurihara, Labor, pp. 61 ff; Saulo, Communism, pp. 7 ff; Golay, Philippines, pp. 391; Snyder, Patterns, pp. 70 ff, 349–350. After World War II the ‘modern labor force’ extended also outside the Manila zone. The Matrix, pp. 84–93. Snyder mentions three constant divisions in the labour movement: (1) between communism and non-communism; (2) between peasants and workers; (3) between highly successful unions that could rely on job-unionism to improve their situation, and unions of marginal workers.Google Scholar
  15. 13.
    Scaff (Philippine Answer) overestimates communist influence. See also: Kurihara, Labor, pp. 5 ff, 28, 62; Brimmel, Communism, pp. 101–111, 151–152; Saulo, Communism, pp. 5 ff, 12 ff, 22 ff; Kerkvliet, Peasant Rebellion, pp. 161–162, 167 ff, 180–183; Id., Huk Rebellion, pp. 37 ff.Google Scholar
  16. 14.
    Sluimers, Samurai; Kerkvliet, Peasant Rebellion, pp. 99, 149.Google Scholar
  17. 15.
    Kerkvliet, Id., Chs III, IV; Kerkvliet, Huk Rebellion, pp. 62 ff; Taruc, Born of the People, pp. 56 ff; Pomeroy, Forest. See also: Lachica, Huks, and Wurfel’s criticism (‘Philippine Agrarian Crisis’, in: PA, 45, 4 Winter 1972–1973, pp. 585 ff).Google Scholar
  18. 16.
    Kerkvliet, Peasant Rebellion, pp. 409 ff.Google Scholar
  19. 17.
    Wolters, Klasseverhoudingen, pp. 326 ff; van der Kroef, ‘Communism’, in: PA, 46, 1, Spring 1973, pp. 33 ff;Google Scholar
  20. 17a.
    van der Kroef, ‘Philippine Communist Theory’, in: PA, 48, 2, Summer 1975, pp. 181 ff. For a Maoist view of Philippine society: Guerrero, Philippinische Gesellschaft und Revolution.Google Scholar
  21. 18.
    Day (Philippines), an enthusiastic supporter of Marcos, gives an uncritical but very vivid impression of the chaotic jungle sphere of the pre-martial law years. For an opposite view of Philippine society: Fast, ‘Imperialism’, in: NLR, 82, Nov-Dec. 1973.Google Scholar
  22. 18a.
    For the building of the strong state: Stauffer, ‘Philippine Authoritarianism’, in: PA, 50, 3, Fall 1977, pp. 367 ff. Stauffer’s efforts to analyse Marcos’ ‘new society’ in terms of corporatism is useful but not wholly convincing.Google Scholar
  23. 19.
    Del Carmen, ‘Constitutionalism’, in: AS, XIII, 1, Nov. 1973, pp. 1050 ff;Google Scholar
  24. 19a.
    Wurfel, ‘Martial Law’, in: PA, 50, 1, Spring 1977, pp. 6 ff.Google Scholar
  25. 19b.
    For the strong American aid during the preparation and building of the new strong centralized state: Stauffer, ‘Philippine Authoritarianism’, in: PA, 50, Fall 1977, pp. 369 ff.Google Scholar
  26. 19b.
    Stauffer states (‘Philippine Corporatism’, in: AS, XVII, 4, April 1977, p. 407): ‘the new society has provided the framework for a closer integration of the Philippines into the world market economy under conditions that increase its dependence on outside inputs and corresponding controls.’Google Scholar
  27. 20.
    Youngblood, ‘Philippine-American Relations’, in: PA, 50, 1, Spring 1977, pp. 45–63;Google Scholar
  28. 20a.
    Wurfel, ‘Martial Law’, in: PA, 50, 1, Spring 1977, pp. 6 ff.Google Scholar
  29. 20b.
    For the failure of land reform under Marcos: Kerkvliet, ‘Land Reform’, in: PA, 47, 3, Fall 1974, pp. 286–304.Google Scholar
  30. 21.
    For the general weaknesses of the urban opposition, particularly its lack of a mass basis (Labour) in the late 1960s (but still relevant): Meadows, ‘Colonialism’, in: PA, 44, 3, July 1971, pp. 338 ff;Google Scholar
  31. 21a.
    Noble, ‘Philippines’, in: AS, XVII, 2, Febru. 1977, pp. 134 ff.Google Scholar
  32. 22.
    For general histories: Le Thanh Khoi, Le Viet-Nam; Chesneaux, Contribution; Coedès, Histoire ancienne; Id., Les peuples; Hall, A History, pp. 195–204, 415435; Buttinger, Smaller Dragon. For the Chinese expansion: Fitzgerald, Southern Expansion; Purcell, Chinese, pp. 181 ff. For a historico-geographic approach: Fisher, Southeast Asia, pp. 87–89, 531 ff. Le Thanh Khoi (Le Viet-Nam, pp. 224 ff) still deals with socio-economic history in terms of ‘feudalism’. So did Chesneaux in his Contribution (pp. 25 ff) although later (in Le Vietnam, pp. 46 ff) he changed to the concept of the Asiatic mode of production, which was decidedly rejected by Le Thanh Khoi (‘Contribution’, in: La Pensée, 171, Sept–Oct. 1973, pp. 128–140). See also Scalabrino’s critique (Histoire cyclique et I’histoire linéaire) of Le Thanh Khoi’s position at the Colloque ‘Structures et cultures pré-capitaliste’, Paris, Dec. 1976.Google Scholar
  33. 23.
    Benda, ‘Political Elites’, in: Continuity, pp. 192–193; Chesneaux, Le Vietnam, pp. 48 ff; Id., Contribution, pp. 29; Nguyen Huu Giai, La personalité, pp. 6 ff; Nguyen Huu Khang, La commune annamite; Le Thanh Khoi, Le Viet-Nam, pp. 103 ff, 145 ff;Google Scholar
  34. 23a.
    Le Thanh Khoi, ‘Contribution’, in: La Pensée, 171, Sept–Oct. 1973, p. 131; Nguyen Van Phong, La société, pp. 103 ff. The relationship state-village community has been characterized by Nguyen Van Phong (La société, p. 109) as a ‘paradox d’une monarchic absolue et d’une organisation democratique’. Also see: Mus, ‘Mandate of Heaven’, in: Southeast Asia: The Politics, pp. 298 ff. The rise of the mandarin state provoked a great deal of resistance from the peasants under Buddhist leadership. Chesneaux, Contribution, pp. 32–33.Google Scholar
  35. 24.
    Ngo Vinh Long, Before, pp. 5 ff; Nguyen Huu Khang, La commune, pp. 23 ff, 44 ff; Nguyen Huu Giai, La personalité, pp. 8 ff; Nguyen Khac Vien, ‘Confucianisme’, in: Tradition, pp. 28 ff; Le Thanh Khoi, ‘Contribution’, in: La Pensée, 171, Sept-Oct. 1973, p. 131.Google Scholar
  36. 25.
    According to Ngo Vinh Long (Before, p. 10), the drastic land reform of 1839 succeeded in converting much private land of large landowners into village public land. Concerning capital: the mandarins were always hostile to trade, which was indeed over-burdened by taxes. Chesneaux, Contribution, pp. 193 ff; Robequain, Economic Development, pp. 32 ff.Google Scholar
  37. 26.
    Nguyen Khac Vien, ‘Confucianisme’, in: Tradition, pp. 26 ff;Google Scholar
  38. 26a.
    Nguyen Khac Vien, ‘Dat nuoc’, in: La Pensée, 170, July–Aug. 1973, pp. 12 ff; Ngo Vinh Long, Before, p. 4.Google Scholar
  39. 27.
    Le Thanh Khoi, Le Viet-Nam, pp. 163 ff; Chesneaux, Contribution, pp. 31–32. In Le Vietnam, pp. 24 ff, Chesneaux speaks of ‘Deux millénaries de luttes pour l’indépendence’. Mus stresses the extraordinary social strength of the village, ‘inviolable sanctuary for the nation’, the only place where a man can hide (‘behind man’) in a country without natural sanctuaries: ‘no woods, no marshlands or moors’. Mus, ‘Sources’, in: Southeast Asia: The Politics, pp. 117–118.Google Scholar
  40. 28.
    This unification was in a way prepared by the Tay Son rebellion and reign that started from Central Vietnam. Le Thanh Khoi, Le Viet-Nam, pp. 243 ff, 263 ff, 296–323; Chesneaux, Contribution, pp. 43 ff, 52 ff.Google Scholar
  41. 29.
    Robequain, Economic Development, pp. 319 ff; Fisher, Southeast Asia, pp. 537; Chesneaux, Contribution, pp. 158 ff; Id., Le Vietnam, pp. 149–158; Hall, A History, pp. 786–790.Google Scholar
  42. 30.
    Robequain, Economic Development, pp. 147 ff; Ngo Vinh Long, Before, pp. 11 ff; Nguyen Kien, Le Sud-Vietnam, pp. 77; Brocheux, ‘Les grands dien chu’, in: Tradition, pp. 147 ff; Fryer, Emerging Southeast Asia, pp. 405 ff. Rubber (particularly in the South) and tea were also important commercial crops produced on European estates. According to Marr (Vietnamese Anticolonklism, p. 81). the French wrought a Virtual revolution’ in patterns of landownership. At the end of the 19th century a land-grabbing rush also started in the Tonkin midlands. The French colons as a social class were too limited in number to transform Cochin China into a colonie de peuplement. Government, p. 111.Google Scholar
  43. 31.
    Gourcu, Les paysans, pp. 144 ff, 226 ff, 352 ff, 381 ff, 560 ff; Fryer, Emerging Southeast Asia, p. 57.Google Scholar
  44. 32.
    Notwithstanding the extreme pressure on land, there was no strong urge to migrate to to Sumatra. Gourou states that only certain parts of Java were more densely populated than to Sumatra. Courou states that only certain parts of Java were more densely populated than the Tonkinese Delta, but the dense population of the latter was of far older date. Gourou, Les paysans, pp. 145–146. It should be born in mind that the majority of peasants in this area lived on a subsistence level. Id., p. 560.Google Scholar
  45. 33.
    This was brought about not only by the ‘march to the South’ but also by natural disasters to which agrarian societies along rivers with severe seasonal floods and sedimentation, like the Song Koi and the Hoangho, were very sensitive. Chesneaux, Contribution, p. 165; Fisher, Southeast Asia, p. 591.Google Scholar
  46. 34.
    Popkin, ‘Corporation’, in: Comparative Politics; Thompson, Labor Probems, p. 171; McAlister, Viet Nam, pp. 66, 75. Woodside (‘Development of Social Organizations’, in: PA, 44, 1, Spring 1976, pp. 39 ff) stresses the strength of traditionalism and the weaknesses of many organizations in the modern colonial period; so much so, however, that the successful emergence of the communist movement can hardly be explained.Google Scholar
  47. 35.
    Rousset, Communisme, pp. 112 ff;Google Scholar
  48. 35a.
    Osborne, ‘Continuity’, in: PA, 47, 1, Spring 1974, pp. 39 ff; Tran Huy Lien, Les Soviets du Nghe-Tinh. For the mining industry (traditional and modern), the working class in general and the workers’ movement see: Robequain, Economic Development, pp. 55–56, 58, 91, 243 ff; Phan Thanh Son, ‘Le mouvement ouvrier’, in: Tradition, pp. 164 ff.Google Scholar
  49. 36.
    Popkin, ‘Corporation’, in: Comparative Politics, 8, 3, April 1976, pp. 431–463.Google Scholar
  50. 37.
    Fisher, Southeast Asia, p. 553.Google Scholar
  51. 38.
    Robeauain. Economic Development, pp. 32 ff, 70 ff, 133 ff; Fisher, Southeast Asia, pp. 532–534, 539 ff; McAlister, Viet Nam, pp. 70–71; Heidhuess, Chinese, pp. 13–14; Purcell, Chinese, pp. 171, 183–184, 191–197. See also Pike (Viet Cong, p. 5) on the difference between the three colonial areas.Google Scholar
  52. 39.
    Fisher, Southeast Asia, pp. 540–541, 548–549; Brocheux, ‘Les grands dien chu’, in: Tradition, pp. 147 ff; Bastin and Benda, A History, pp. 76 ff. See also: Nguyen Kine, Le Sud-Vietnam, pp. 77 ff.Google Scholar
  53. 40.
    Nguyen Khac Vien, ‘Dat nuoc’, in: La Pensée, 170, July-Aug. 1973, p. 14;Chesneaux, Contribution, pp. 181–182.Google Scholar
  54. 41.
    Fisher, Southeast Asia, p. 549.Google Scholar
  55. 42.
    Thich Nhat Hanh, Vietnam, pp. 30 ff, 50 ff; Nguyen Van Phong, La société, p. 335.Google Scholar
  56. 43.
    Man, Vietnamese Anticolonialism, pp. 94–97, 249 ff; Nguyen Khac Vien, ‘Confucianisme’, in: Tradition, pp. 22 ff, 50 ff.Google Scholar
  57. 44.
    Duncanson, Government, p. 90.Google Scholar
  58. 45.
    Marr, Vietnamese Anticolonialism, p. 79; Nguyen Tranh Huan, ‘Histoire d’une secte religieuse’, in: Tradition, pp. 189 ff; Hickey, Village, pp. 66 ff.Google Scholar
  59. 46.
    Bastin and Benda, A History, p. 87; Marr, Vietnamese Anticolonialism, pp. 52 ff, 71 ff, 83 ff, 127 ff, 150, 164 ff, 182 ff, 209–211, 218, 221 ff, 230 ff, 249 ff. It has been argued that the actual leaders of the traditional type of anti-colonial resistance were less educated elements than the lettrés elite proper.Google Scholar
  60. 47.
    Fourniau, ‘Les traditions’, in: Tradition, pp. 89 ff; Marr, Vietnamese Anticolonialism, pp. 83–86, 98 ff and passim.Google Scholar
  61. 48.
    Id., pp. 208, 250–251. According to Marr, the French colons had acquired sufficient power to push through their own extremely conservative policy, if necessary against other interests in the metropolis in the second decade of the 20th century. The liberal efforts of the social-democrat governor-general Varenne (1952–1928) soon came to an end under colon pressure. Nguyen Van Phong, La société, pp. 319 ff.Google Scholar
  62. 49.
    Thompson, Labor Problems, p. 171; McAlister, Viet Nam, p. 67; Marr (Vietnamese Anticolonialism) gives a lower number of workers.Google Scholar
  63. 50.
    Chesneaux, Contribution, p. 184; McAlister, Viet Nam, pp. 59–60, 142 ff; Marr, Vietnamese Anticolonialism, pp. 54, 75–76, 106 ff, 124–125, 149, 215 ff, 257–258. In order to understand the continuity of Chinese influence it should be remembered that Chinese was a subject in colonial primary education and that study of the Chinese classics was pursued by lettrés milieux up to c. 1909. Duncanson, Government, p. 105; Lê, Les missions, p. 157.Google Scholar
  64. 51.
    Chesneaux, Contribution, pp. 181, 182, 186; Nguyen Khac Vien, Histoire, pp. 134; Marr (Vietnamese Anticolonialism, pp. 201–203) emphasizes the historical weakness of the ‘bourgeoisie’ rejecting Chesneaux’ opinion which links the rise of modern nationalism too simply with the emergence of bourgeoisie.Google Scholar
  65. 52.
    The ‘liberal’ years were those under the Governors-Generals A. Varenne (1925–1928, particularly the first years) and J. Brevie (1936–1939) under the influence of the Popular Front in France.Google Scholar
  66. 53.
    Rousset, Communism, pp. 90 ff; Duiker, Rise, pp. 143 ff, 154 ff, 192 ff.Google Scholar
  67. 54.
    Rousset, Le parti communiste, pp. 16 ff; Id., Communisme, pp. 67 ff; Chesneaux, ‘Les fondements’, in: Tradition, pp. 215 ff.Google Scholar
  68. 55.
    Rousset, Communisme, pp. 113 ff; Tran Huy Lien, Les Soviets du Nghe-Tinh; Duiker, Rise, pp.218ff.Google Scholar
  69. 56.
    Hémery, Révolutionnaires, pp. 37 ff, 75 ff, 285 ff; Rousset, Le parti communiste, pp. 83 ff;Id., Communisme, pp. 150–163.Google Scholar
  70. 57.
    Rousset, Le parti communiste, pp. 92 ff;Id.f Communisme, pp. 166 ff.Google Scholar
  71. 58.
    Rousset, Le parti communiste, pp. 106 ff. See also: Le Thanh Khoi, Le Viet Nam, pp. 464 ff; McAlister, Origins, pp. 185 ff.Google Scholar
  72. 59.
    Nguyen Kien, Le Sud-Vietnam; Lê Chau, La révolution paysanne; Pike, Viet Cong, pp. 57 ff; Mus, Sociologie; Fall, Two Vietnams, pp. 234 ff; Fryer, Emerging Southeast Asia, pp. 402 ff; Warner, Las Confucian; Rousset, Le parti communiste, pp. 174 ff, 201 ff, 225 ff.Google Scholar
  73. 60.
    Southeast Asian Affairs, pp. 294 ff.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Martinus Nijhoff Publishers bv, The Hague 1980

Authors and Affiliations

  • Fritjof Tichelman

There are no affiliations available

Personalised recommendations