Abstract
The classical era of the alirans in Indonesian politics ended some years ago. Nevertheless, if we are to understand the ways in which the trias has developed since the attainment of political independence we have to devote some attention to the aliran concept, which has been principally hypothesized by Geertz.1 This is all the more necessary since it was compared to the Dutch concept of verzuiling (pillarization) by Gunawan and van den Muijzenberg2 and challenged by Utrecht and Hering.3
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Notes
Geertz, Social Context; Id., ‘Javanese Village’, in: Local, Ethnic and National Loyalties, pp. 37–41; Id., Social History, pp. 128 ff.
Gunawan and van den Muijzenberg, ‘Verzuilingstendenties en sociale stratifikatie in Indonesia,’ in: Sociologische Gids, 14, 3, pp. 146–158; Gunawan, Kudetd, pp. 28–41.
Utrecht, De onderbroken revolutie, pp. 201 ff. Hering and Willis, Indonesian General Election, pp.49 ff.
McVey, ‘Nationalism’, in: Sukarno, Nationalism, p. 10.
Tichelman, Henk Sneevliet, pp. 10 ff.
McVey, ‘Nationalism’, in: Sukarno, Nationalism, pp. 4 ff.
Castles, Religion, pp. 4 ff.
Castles, ‘Notes’, in: Indonesia, I, April 1966, pp. 40 ff. Cf. Benda, ‘Continuity’, in: Continuity, p. 180; Steenbiink, Pesantren, pp. 246, 361–362; Ward, Foundation, p. 67.
Feith, Decline, pp. 47 ff, 233–237, 585 ff; Id., Indonesian Elections, pp. 58 ff; Hering and Willis, Indonesian General Election, pp. 42–47; Lev, Transition, pp. 134 ff. In August 1956 the Muslims had 114 of the 260 parliamentary seats, in July 1960, 65 of the 283 seats. Feith, ‘Dynamics’, in: Indonesia, p. 345.
Hindley, ‘Alirans’, in: Indonesia, 9, April 1970, p. 57; Utrecht, Indonesia’s nieuwe orde, pp. 145–147; Boland, Struggle, pp. 149–156; Nishihara, Golkar, Table VII; Hering and Willis, Indonesian General Election, pp. 15a-15b.
For the traditionalist Muslims in general: Geertz, Religion, Part 2. For the NU; Benda, Crescent, pp. 50–55, 76 ff, 89–90, 116, 147–148, 151–152, 160; Nieuwenhuijze, Aspects, pp. 46 ff; Feith, Decline, pp. 135 ff, 149, 229, 281–282, 299, 302, 337–340, 372, 418–419, 422, 467–468; Boland, Struggle, pp. 11–12, 42, 45–54, 145 ff; Ward, 1971 Election, pp. 90–113; Steenbrink. Pesantren. pp. 61 ff: Herine and Willis. Indonesian General Election, pp. 17 ff.
Jackson and Moeliono, ‘Participation in Rebellion’, in: Political Participation, pp. 12–57; Alers, Om een rode of groene Merdeka, pp. 240 ff; Jackson, Traditional Authority, pp. 32 ff, 39 ff. Jackson contends that the Muslim orthodoxy of the DI in East Priangan should not be overestimated, Jackson, Id., pp. 365 ff, 426 ff; Harvey, Tradition, pp. 250 ff.
With regard to the opportunism: Castles, (‘Notes’, in: Indonesia, 1, April 1966, pp. 41–42) draws attention to the ‘penghulu mentality’. Hindley, ‘Alirans’, in: Indonesia, 9, April 1970, p. 29; Ward, 1971 Election, pp. 95 ff, 117.
Cf. Geertz, ‘Javanese Kijaji’, in: CSSH, 11, 2, Jan. 1960, pp. 247–248. Hering and Willis, Indonesian General Election, pp. 10–11.
Anderson, Java, pp. 219–224; Feith, Decline, pp. 134–138; Boland Struggle, pp. 42 ff, 52–53; Ward, 1971 Election, pp. 9–16; Samson, islam’, in: AS, VIII, 12, Dec. 1968, pp. 1001 ff; Ward, Foundation, pp. 9–28; Noer, Masjumi.
For Muslim modernism and Muhammadijah: Noer, Modernist Muslim Movement’, Alfian, Islamic Modernism; Federspiel, ‘Muhammadijah’, in: Indonesia, 10, Oct. 1970, pp. 57–59.
Co-operation between the Masyumi top (particularly the Natsir-wing with its main basis in the Minangkabau) and the PSI was natural. Feith, Decline, pp. 136–137. Anderson observes that Virtuallv all the top leaders of Masiumi […] were fundamentally secular politicians working from a non-secular constituency’. Anderson, Pemuda Revolution, p. 323. The Parmusi (the purged successor of the Masyumi) vigorously supported the Golkar and the New Order. Ward, 1971 Election, pp. 128 ff.
The Masyumi put up the strongest resistance to the establishment of Guided Democracy (even more than the PSI). Together with the PSI it followed a decidedly pro-Western course. The centre of the PRRI revolt (the second effort to force such a course, after the abortive coup of 1952) was in the Muhammadiyah/Masyumi bastion the Minangkabau.
Boland, Struggle, pp. 19 ff, 93 ff, 153–154, 159, 161.
Lev, Transition, pp. 35 ff; Feith, Decline, pp. 487 ff.
Mossman, Rebels, pp. 230 ff; Jones, Indonesia, pp. 67–68, 70–71, 76 ff; Lev, Transition, p. 35; Doeppers, ‘An Incident’, in: Indonesia, 14 (Oct.) 1972, pp. 183–195.
The fundamental weaknesses of Masyumi capital do not warrant the term ‘national bourgeoisie’ for this class (still less can it be applied to the bureaucratic neo-priyayis as the PKI did; Mortimer, Indonesian Communism, pp. 145, 155, 156–157). With some stretch of the imagination the modernist Islamic Bourgeoisie, the Masyumi elite, could be termed a weak potential bourgeoisie. In the elections of 1955 the Masyumi proved to be the party that was most widespread throughout Indonesia. Ward, Foundation, pp. 12–13. Nevertheless, the Masyumi could not organize and mobilize a really national mass movement in support of its material class interests.
The economic policy of Masyumi and the class that it represented was characterized rather by its rejection of radical nationalism, anti-imperialism and mass mobilization than by a clear-cut programme for private capital and vigorous entrepreneurship. Pribumi capital was not directly threatened by Guided Democracy, even less than by the New Order. According to Castles, ‘the economic role of these groups Tthat is ‘resident private business’l diminished little if at all’. Castles, ‘Fate’, in: Sukarno’s Guided Indonesia, p. 81. Under the New Order the interests of the Masyumi ‘bourgeoisie’ particularly the ‘accommodationists’ (Samson, ‘Conceptions’, in: Political Power, pp. 199 ff) gradually converged with those of the ruling bureaucratic compradors.
Lev, Transition, p. 41.
The process of growing participation in the metropolitan establishment centred around the ministry of Religion which was dominated by the NU since the decline and downfall of the Masyumi (c. 1953-c. 1971). From this basis a large apparatus could be built up and staffed (from the local bottom to the Jakartan top) with the concomitant patronage resources. Feith, Decline, p. 368; Castles, ‘Notes’, in: Indonesia, 1, April 1966, p. 41; Ward, 1971 Election, p. 97. After the consolidation of the New Order the secular Javanizing rulers took this position (the ministry of religion) from the NU santris. Ward, Id., p. 113. Hering and Willis, Indonesian General Election, pp. 40–41, p. 123.
IMM, 15, 1973, pp. 1–18.
IMM, ‘Huwelijkswetnummer’, 1973; van Dijk, ‘Indonesian Elections’, in: RIMA, 11, 2, July–Dec. 1977, pp. 1 ff, 33.
Snouck Hurgronje, Nederland en de Islam, pp. 25, 54 ff, 69, 72–73, 77, 79 ff; Benda, Crescent, pp. 22 ff; Ward, 1971 Election, pp. 197–198.
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Tichelman, F. (1980). The Trias in Movement: The Santris . In: The Social Evolution of Indonesia. Studies in Social History, vol 5. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-8896-5_13
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