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Finite and Otherwise. Aristotle and Some Seventeenth Century Views

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Nature Mathematized

Part of the book series: The University of Western Ontario Series in Philosophy of Science ((WONS,volume 20))

Abstract

It is unwise to discuss so pervasive a cluster of concepts from 17th century natural philosophy as space, matter, extension, and infinity, without referring to Aristotelian and scholastic doctrine. One may argue far into the night over the question of whether Newton’s words reveal a dependance on Burthogge, rather than Herveus Natalis, and whether Descartes at a particular place was using Anselm or John Damascene; but one thing we must surely accept is that the language used was that of the Aristotelian inheritance. Of course it was changed in many ways; but just as when trees are turned into telegraph poles, the grain of the wood remaining visible, so with the language of Aristotle. Since we are particularly concerned with doctrines of the infinite, I will give the merest outline of those parts of Aristotle which seem to me to have a bearing on the 17th century discussion. I will then place rather more emphasis than Ted McGuire is inclined to do on the common element in the thought of Descartes, Locke, and Newton. In the time available I shall not be able to make more than passing reference to scholastic discussions of the same themes, although I am sure that to do so would show that, whether he liked it or not, 17th century man was a lineal descendent of the scholastics. As it happened, Georg Cantor gave the palm to the seventeenth century for its arguments against the actual infinite — arguments which he judged to be more cogent than Aristotle’s, but arguments which he believed he could refute. He commended Locke, Descartes, Spinoza, and Leibniz, while suggesting Hobbes and Berkeley as additional reading.

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Notes

  1. Phys., IL4;202b.30-.

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  2. 04a.6.

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  3. L Baudry, Lexique philosophique de Guillaume d’Occam, Paris, 1938, p. 122.

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  4. Met., 1066b. l7-18.

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  5. Phys., 212a. 20.

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  6. Ibid., 212b. 20-21.

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  7. Met., 1048b.9-17.

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  8. Phys., 204b. 5-6.

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  9. Phys. III.6, 7 is the source of the remainder of this paragraph and the next.

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  10. Phys., 206b. 20-24.

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  11. Ibid., 207b. 18-20. These propositions are accepted at several places in Aristotle’s writings.

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  12. Some remarks were added here which are open to several interpretations, but they are beside my present point. See Phys.,207b.27-34. One interpretation is that if a geometer is embarrassed by a figure which bids to stretch beyond the universe (in his thoughts) then he may use in his proofs a smaller, similar, figure.

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  13. Cf.Met., 1051a. 21-33.

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  14. “Aristotelian infinity”, Phil. Rev. 75 (1966), 197–218.

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  15. Ibid., pp. 217-8.

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  16. [C. Adam and P. Tannery (eds.), Œuvres de Descartes, Cerf, Paris, 13 v., 1897-1913 (reprinted Vrin, Paris, 1957-8) will be cited in the usual way as “AT”.] AT. V, p. 274.

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  17. AT.V,pp. 50-1.

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  18. For references, and more detail, see A. Koyré, From the Closed World to the Infinite Universe, Baltimore, 1957, Chapter 1 and the notes to it.

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  19. Notes, however, the case of the endless ring, previously discussed. The ring is not limited, but it can be “gone through” in the sense that all its parts can be surveyed in a finite operation.

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  20. Op. cit., 1970 edition, p. 11.

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  21. AT.V, p. 167, for the Burman letter. Henry More, to take an example of confusion, approves the indefiniteness concept of Descartes but speaks of God (and thus, for him, space) as infinite and the world as indefinite, meaning by this finite. See Koyré, op. cit., p. 140. Joseph Addison, in The Evidences of the Christian Religion, 6th ed., 1776, p. 107 (reprinted from the Spectator (c. 1714)), writes of the extent of the throne of God as follows: “Though it is not infinite, it may be indefinite; and though not immeasurable in itself, it may be so with regard to any created eye or imagination”. Comment would be superfluous.

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  22. Jean Jacquot, “Thomas Harriot’s reputation for impiety”, Notes and Records of the Roval Society 9 (1952), 164–87 at p. 167.

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  23. Ibid., p. 179.

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  24. Ibid., p. 180.

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  25. Ibid., pp.181-2.

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  26. Elements of Philosophy, IV.26.1; W. Molesworth (ed.), The English Works of Thomas Hobbes, London, Vol. 1, 1839, pp. 410–14. The date of the epistle dedicatory is 1655.

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  27. Oxford, 1656, pp. 116 ff.

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  28. [Die philosophischen Schriften von G. W. Leibniz, Gerhardt (ed.), 7 Vols, Berlin, 1875-90 = “G”.] G. VIII, pp. 64-5; G. IV, pp. 343-9.

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  29. Meditatio III; AT.VII, pp. 45-6.

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  30. To “Hyperaspistes”, August 1641; AT. III, pp. 426-7.

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  31. This is often reiterated. See, for instance, to Mersenne, AT.III, p. 233, and Gassendi’s objection to the third meditation, AT.VII, pp. 296-7, for a contrary view.

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  32. Cf. pp. 92-3 above.

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  33. Ed. cit., pp. 101-2.

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  34. P. H. Nidditch (ed.), Draft A of Locke’s Essay Concerning Human Understanding. The Earliest Extant Autograph Version. University of Sheffield, 1980, pp. 163–5.

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  35. De grav., pp. 102–3; quoted p. 94 above.

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  36. AT.V, p. 344.

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  37. AT. V, pp. 51-2.

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  38. A passage from Des Maiseaux’s preface to the 1720 edition of the Clarke-Leibniz Correspondence (see H. G. Alexander’s edition, Manchester U.P., 1956, pp. xxviii-xxix) shows that Clarke was not altogether happy with his own theory, which also appears in his Boyle lectures. For a typical occurrence of it see ed. cit., p. 23.

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  39. For example at AT. VII, p. 40.

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  40. AT. V, pp. 355-6.

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  41. Loc. cit.

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  42. Ibid., p. 366. My italics. Note the language of comparison, and compare the mathematical language of ratios.

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  43. This is one of several references which I can no longer give, since the printed version of the paper to which I am replying differs somewhat from that version to which I actually replied.

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  44. See n. 43 above.

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  45. Princ. I, pr. 64; AT. VIII, p. 31.

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  46. AT. XI, p. 36.

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  47. See n. 43 above.

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  48. Baudry, op. cit., pp. 49-50, lists Ockham’s meanings.

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  49. AT. VII, p. 368; see n. 43 above.

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  50. AT. VII, p. 295.

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  51. See n. 43 above.

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  52. Cf. AT. VII, p. 163.

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  53. For the context, see above. Note that Koyré, op. cit., pp. 104—6, turns Princ. II.21, 22 to wrong use, saying that the infinity of the word “seems thus to be established beyond doubt and beyond dispute”, but that “as a matter of fact Descartes never assers it”. Princ. II.22 is in fact aimed only at showing the unity of the world — and that it admits of no gaps between one “world” and another.

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  54. See the interview with Burman, AT. V, p. 155.

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  55. AT. IV, p. 118(to Mesland).

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  56. Cf., for instance, Princ. II.16.

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  57. AT. V, pp. 311-12 (More), p. 345 (Descartes).

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  58. J. Cottingham (tr.), Descartes Conversations with Burman, Oxford U.P., 1976, p. 33. For the Latin originals see AT. V, especially p. 167, and cf. the letter to Chanut, where he admits that although the putative limits to the world are incomprehensible to him, they may be known to God. AT. V, pp. 51-2.

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  59. McGuire, but see n. 43.

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  60. De grav., pp. 100–01.

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  61. Ibid., p. 102.

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  62. Loc. cit.

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  63. AT. VIII, p. 25.

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  64. AT. VIII, p. 17.

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  65. AT. VII, p. 56.

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  66. See n. 43 above.

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  67. See n. 43 above.

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  68. See n. 43 above.

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  69. AT. VIII, pp. 16, 53.

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  70. See Marjorie Nicolson, ‘The early stage of Cartesianism in England’, Studies in Philology 26 (1929), 356–74.

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  71. See L. J. Beck, The Metaphysics of Descartes, Oxford U.P., 1965, especially pp. 17, 41.

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  72. “Existence, actuality and necessity: Newton on space and time”, Annals of Science 35 (1978), 463–508. The Gassendi connection was explained and defended in R. S. Westfall, “The foundation of Newton’s philosophy of nature”, British Journal for the History of Science 1 (1962), 171-82.

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  73. Op. cit., p. 469, n. 25.

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  74. See pp. 120-21 above, where I quoted other words to the same effect, from the same place.

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  75. Essay, Bk. II, Chapter 17.

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  76. See G. A. J. Rogers, “The empiricism of Locke and Newton”, in G. C. Brown (ed.), Philosophers of the Enlightenment, London, 1980, pp. 1–30.

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  77. Essay, II.17.7.

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  78. A. C. Fraser (ed.) The Works of George Berkeley, Vol. 1, 1901.

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  79. For the most apt text see N. Kemp Smith, A Commentary to Kant’s “Critique of Pure Reason”, 2nd ed., Macmillan, London, 1923, p. 486.

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  80. Essay, II. 17.9. In the 1671 draft Locke expressed himself only marginally differently. On number, there also taken as basic, he says the same thing: there is no other infinity than that of numbers, “Which is never actual but is always capable of addition”. As for infinite power and knowledge he expressed the hope that on a future occasion he may show that thereby we mean no more than “such a power or knowledge which cannot by any thing that doth or can possibly exist be limitted or resisted. Which is not any notion of a positive actual Infinity, but only potential as of numbers, to the bounds whereof even in thinking we cannot arrive; & soe that is Infinitum to us ad cuius finem pervenire non possumus”. Ed. cit. p. 165, my punctuation. Apparatus omitted. Compare this with my next paragraph, p. 136.

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  81. Essay, II.17.13.

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  82. AT.VII, p. 113.

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  83. AT.VII, p. 45.

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  84. Letter to Varignon, 2.02.1702.G (Math.) IV, pp. 91-5. Loemker (tr.), pp. 342-6. My italics.

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  85. Essay, II.17.15.

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  86. Essay, II.17.8.

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  87. Essay, II.17. 1.

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  88. Essay, II.17.7

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  89. Essay, II.17.10-13.

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  90. Essay, II.17.18.

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  91. Quoted from Koyré, op. cit., pp. 148-50. (More, Enchiridium metaphysicum, c. VIII, 9.) Note More’s proud boast that Aristotle made immovability the highest attribute of the First Being. Such ideas continued to be influential. Joseph Raphson, for instance, although he criticized Spinoza generally, followed the essentially Spinozist position in taking God to be extended; and Berkeley (Of Infinites) took him to task for this. Raphson quotes More in his own support. (See his De Spatio Reali seu Ente Infinito, 1697.)

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  92. Essay, II.17.17. Ed. cit., p. 168, for “Draft A”.

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  93. Ed. cit., p. 167.

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  94. Essay, II.15.12.

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  95. Compare his use of the word “comprehension” with Descartes.

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  96. Essay, II.15.4.

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  97. Essay, II.23.21.

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  98. Koyré, op. cit., p. 149.

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  99. Essay, II.10.4.

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  100. Essay, II.15.3.

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  101. Ed. cit., p. 166, my punctuation.

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  102. I am not aware of any recent comment on the passage in question, or on its elucidation by P. Coste, the French translator of the Essay, a man who had lived with Locke during the last seven years of his life. I owe the reference to W. Hamilton, Discussions on Philosophy and Literature, Education and University Reform, 3rd. ed., Edinburgh and London, 1866, pp. 199–200.

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  103. Essay, IV.10.

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  104. Ed. cit., p. 168. Cf. my earlier quotations from the same.

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  105. The closing words of II.17.

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  106. Leibniz, Harriot, and a number of medieval writers use the same figure to a rather similar, if not identical, purpose.

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  107. Essay, II.17.7; see above, p. 136.

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  108. AT.III, p. 292.

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  109. Op. cit. (English Works), Vol. 1, p. 413.

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  110. L. Couturat (ed.), Opuscules et Fragments inédits de Leibniz, Paris, 1903, p. 178. The date was c.1686.

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  111. He refers to Cardan’s Pract. Arith., c.66, nn. 165 & 260. Leibniz was confusing Ward with John Wallis when he said that Seth Ward dissented, in his Arithmetic of Infinites. G.IV, p. 42; Loemker, p. 75.

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North, J.D. (1983). Finite and Otherwise. Aristotle and Some Seventeenth Century Views. In: Shea, W.R. (eds) Nature Mathematized. The University of Western Ontario Series in Philosophy of Science, vol 20. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-6957-5_6

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-6957-5_6

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