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Refuge in Holland: Ministry in the Walloon Church of The Hague and Protestant Diplomacy, 1710–23

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Theology, Politics and Letters at the Crossroads of European Civilization

Abstract

The Walloon Church of The Hague, to which Jacques Basnage was not without reason called in 1710, held a unique position among Walloon churches in the United Provinces and, as such, provided Basnage with a maximum opportunity to fulfill his new diplomatic role. Although French-speaking Protestants in The Hague asked the Walloon Synod for the creation of a separate church at the same time as did the Walloons of Rotterdam,1 they remained a dependency of the Delft Walloon Church for a longer period.2 When the tie was at last severed and The Hague Walloon Church became a separate entity on September 29, 1591, it was not so much because of the presence of scattered refugee Walloons in The Hague. It was, rather, the result of the desire of the stadholder, Prince Maurice of Orange-Nassau, to install Louise de Coligny, the French Calvinist widow of William the Silent, in the political center of the seven United Provinces.3

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Notes

  1. Synod of Leiden, September 18-20, 1585, Livre synodal,art. x, I, 112.

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  2. E. Bourlier, Souvenir du troisième centenaire de l’Eglise wallonne de la Haye(The Hague, 1891), 1–12; also F. H. Gagnebin, “Etablissement de l’Eglise wallonne de la Haye,” BCHEW,1st ser. (1885), 299-351; H. Hardenberg, “L’Eglise wallonne de la Haye à 375 ans,” BCHEW,6th ser. (1966), 82-91.

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  3. Bourlier, Souvenir du troisième centenaire,7-8. For this purpose the Gecommitteerde Radenand the Dutch Reformed Church Consistory of The Hague secured the services of Johannes Utenbogaert of Utrecht, who was to play a prominent role as a leader of the Remonstrant party. Utenbogaert’s nomination was largely due to Prince Maurice of Orange-Nassau and Johann van Oldenbarnevelt, the grand pensionary of Holland.

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  4. William III, who was educated by the States General, was not, like his ancestors, reared in the Walloon Church but in the Dutch Reformed Church. When he became stadholder in 1672, his French-speaking court and his greatly enlarged military entourage made up of Huguenot nobles once again made attendance at The Hague Walloon Church fashionable.

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  5. Articles résolus aux Synodes,art. xxx, 6, April 27, 1709.

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  6. BW, “Actes et papiers originaux Depuis Tannée 1708 Jusqu’à 1722,” Livre D, DW1 A14, no. 18, fols. 35–37.

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  7. J. Basnage to P. Desmaizeaux, June 11 [1709], BLL, MSS Add 4281, fol. 49. Basnage was skeptical of the outcome, since religious affairs would be treated last and the talks were inconclusive by the time Rouillé left The Hague conference for Paris. See also J. Basnage to P. Desmaizeaux, 25 [1709], ibid.,fols. 57-58.

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  8. J. Basnage to A. Heinsius, May 4, 1709, ARA, Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius, 1379.

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  9. J. Basnage to A. Heinsius, n.d., ibid.,1379.

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  10. Basnage was later commissioned to draft a monograph by the United Provinces, Great Britain, and Brandenburg-Prussia on the naturalization of Huguenot refugees (see J. Basnage to G. Cuper, November 13, 1710, KBH, MS 72 D 58 k). Basnage noted that “cela m’a donné occasion de remonter jusqu’aux naturalisations anciennes” (loc. cit.).See [Jacques Basnage], Dissertation curieuse sur les Naturalisations acordées aux Protestons. Par la Reine de la Grande Bretagne, par le Roi de Prusse et par les Etats de Hollande, oú l’on fait voir les avantages qu’on peut retirer de chacune, et celle qu’on croit devoir être préférée(n.p., 1710).

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  11. J. Basnage to A. Heinsius, August 9, 1709, ARA, Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius, 1379.

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  12. Articles résolus aux Synodes,art. xxi, 6.

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  13. Ibid.,art. xxiv, 6.

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  14. J. Basnage to A. Heinsius, October 19, 1709, ARA, Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius, 1379.

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  15. ARA, “Registre des délibérations du Consistoire de l’Eglise wallonne de la Haye,” Archieven van de Waals-Hervormde Gemeente van’ s-Gravenhage, no. 2, fols. 3-4 (hereafter cited as “Registre des délibérations du Consistoire”).

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  16. Ibid.,no. 2, fols. 3-6. The consistory recorded the approval of Basnage by the Gecommitteerde Radenon December 8, 1709 ( ibid.,no. 2, fol. 7).

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  17. GAR, “Livre des Actes du Consistoire,” B, fol. 310.

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  18. The delegation from The Hague arrived in Rotterdam on November 25 with the “actes d’approbation de la part de nos dit Seigneurs.” It found Basnage inclined to accept the appointment but still indecisive because of the insistence made by the Rotterdam Consistory that he stay (ARA, “Registre des délibérations du Consistoire,” no. 2, fol. 7).

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  19. GAR, “Livre des Actes du Consistoire,” B, fol. 310.

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  20. Ibid.,B. fols. 311-12.

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  21. Ibid.,B, fol. 312, November 27, 1709.

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  22. Ibid.,B, fol. 313, December 5, 1709.

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  23. Ibid.,B, fol. 314.

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  24. ARA, “Registre des délibérations du Consistoire,” no. 2, fol. 7.

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  25. J. Basnage to A. Heinsius, December 7, 1709, ARA, Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius, 1379.

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  26. ARA, “Registre des délibérations du Consistoire,” no. 2, fols. 7-11; BW, “Actes et papiers originaux Depuis l’année 1708 Jusqu’à 1722,” Livre D, DW1 A14 no. 18, fols. 57-58.

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  27. Articles résolus aux Synodes,art. vi, 2–3.

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  28. GAR, “Livre des Actes du Consistoire,” B, fol. 320.

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  29. ARA, “Registre des délibérations du Consistoire,” no. 2, fol. 11

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  30. Ibid.,no. 2, fol. 17, May 5, 1710; ibid.,no. 2 fol. 25.

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  31. Ibid.,no. 2, fol. 17, September 21, 1711.

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  32. Ibid.,no. 2, fol. 27.

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  33. Ibid.,no. 2, fols. 119-20, June 19, 1713.

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  34. Ibid.,no. 2, fol. 267.

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  35. Ibid.,no. 2, fol. 277.

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  36. Ibid.,no. 2, fols. 222-26.

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  37. Ibid., no. 2, fol. 282.

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  38. Cf.the attitudes of Jacques Basnage and Pierre Jurieu on the uprising of the Camisards in the Cévennes. The controversy between the two Rotterdam ministers, which erupted after June 18, 1703, pertained to Jurieu’s justification of the rebellion against Louis XIV and Basnage’s condemnation of all but non-violent measures to achieve recognition of Calvinism in France (see Le Vier, “Eloge historique de M. Basnage,” iv-v). Two contemporary scholars have re-examined the Camisard rebellion. See Philippe Joutard, La légende des Camisards. Une sensibilité au passée(Paris, 1977) [a 439 pp. summary of his thèse d’Etat, “Mythe et histoire des Camisards du XVIIIe au XXe siècles”]; and Henri Bosc, “La guerre des Camisards. Son caractère. Ses conséquences,” BHSPF,119 (1973), 336-54 [a brief summary of his thèse d’Etat, “La guerre des Cévennes, 1705–1710,” to be published shortly by the Université de Lille III in collaboration with Henri Champion].

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  39. PRO, MS 30/24/27/22 (1).

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  40. PRO, MS 30/24/27/22 (2). Queen Anne took heed of these and other endeavors. See her instructions to the duke of Marlborough and the viscount Townshend, dated May 2, 1709, to raise the issue of French Protestant prisoners and galley slaves at the Geertruidenberg Peace Conference British Diplomatic Instructions: France, 1689–1721,ed. L. G. Wickham [London, 1925], XXXV, 11).

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  41. J. Basnage to J.-A. Turrettini, June 2, 1707, Archives de la famille de Budé [printed in Lettres à J.-A. Turrettini,I, 153–56].

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  42. Eighth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts: Report and Appendix(London, 1881), Appendix, I, 36a, B 1-15. Ibid.,Appendix I, 37a, B 1–27.

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  44. Pensionary of Amsterdam from 1693 until 1725 with whom Heinsius generally first discussed all matters of importance. Buys was especially knowledgeable about economic affairs.

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  45. Pensionary of Gouda, kinsman of Heinsius, and his chief assistant in internal affairs.

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  46. J. Basnage to P. Desmaizeaux, June 11 [1709], BLL MSS Add 4281, fol 49; J. Basnage to P. Desmaizeaux, 25 [1709], ibid.,fols. 57–58.

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  47. AAE, C. P. Hollande, 223, fol. 134.

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  48. Ibid.,223, fol. 135. But they noted in their communication “dont nous n’osions seulement escrire à Vre Majte. Nous le faisons cependant affin qu’elle soit préparée à tout” (ioc. cit.).The instructions dated March 4, 1710, and given to the French plenipotentiaries at the Geertruidenberg Conference made no mention of the Huguenot question (ibid.,228, fols. 37-74). The “Remarques sur les articles préliminaires pour servir au Traité de La Paix générale” also avoided mention of the religious issue (ibid.,223, fols. 28-49).

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  49. Ibid.,223, fols. 151-60, 157.

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  50. Ibid.,223, fol. 157.

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  51. Ibid.,224, fol. 46, April 11, 1710.

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  52. Ibid.,224, fol. 283.

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  53. Loc. cit.

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  54. Ibid.,225, fol. 94.

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  55. Ibid.,225, fol. 109.

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  56. The “Relation des conférences de Geertruydemberg” made no mention of the rehabilitation of the rights of either Huguenot refugees or French Protestants (ibid.,227, fols. 114-30).

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  57. Louis XIV to Huxelles and Polignac, May 22, 1710, ibid.,224, fol. 244.

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  58. See François Duffo, Jean-Baptiste Colbert, marquis de Torcy, ministre des Affaires Etrangères sous Louis XIV(Paris, 1934); John C. Rule, “King and Minister: Louis XIV and Colbert de Torcy,” in William III and Louis XIV: Essays 1680–1720 by and for Mark A. Thomson,213-36; William Roth, “Jean-Baptiste Colbert, Marquis de Torcy,” in Le conseil du roi de Louis XII à la Révolution,éd. Roland Mousnier, Travaux du Centre de Recherches sur la Civilisation de l’Europe moderne, no. 6 (Paris, 1970), 175-203.

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  59. Le Vier, “Eloge historique de M. Basnage,” v.

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  60. Loc. cit.See Torcy to J. Basnage, January 14, 1721, Ibid.,vi, in which Torcy wrote somewhat exaggeratedly of their “amitié de vingt-cinq ans.”

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  61. AAE, C. P. Hollande, 231, fois. 77-78, Aril 23, 1711.

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  62. Ibid.,231, fol. 79. Torcy may have been interested in more than the gathering of intelligence for the shaping of French foreign policy; see Joseph Klaits, Printed Propaganda under Louis XIV: Absolute Monarchy and Public Opinion(Princeton, 1976), for a study of Torcy’s role as Louis XIV’s propagandist during the War of the Spanish Succession and especially during the crisis of 1709-10.

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  63. AAE, C. P. Hollande, 231, fol. 92.

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  64. Ibid.,231, fol. 94.

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  65. Ibid.,229, fol. 181.

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  66. Loc. cit.

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  67. Ibid.,229, fol. 186, June 18, 1711.

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  68. Ibid.,229, fols. 188-89.

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  69. Ibid.,229, fol. 191.

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  70. Notably his letters dated July 11, 1711, and July 24, 1711 ( ibid.,230, fol. 25), and an undated letter identified by Torcy in his communication of September 20, 1711 (ibid.,230, fol. 117).

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  71. Ibid.,230, fol. 25.

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  72. Ibid.,230, fol. 117.

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  73. Ibid.,230, fol. 89.

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  74. Ibid.,230, fol. 88, November 4, 1711.

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  75. Ottokar Weber, Der Friede von Utrecht. Verhandlungen zwischen England, Frankreich, dem Kaiser und den Generalstatten 1710–1713(Gotha, 1891); Legrelle, La diplomatie française et la succession d’Espagne,VI, 5-160; Journal inédit de Colbert, marquis de Torcy,xlii-xlix, 230-242; Torcy, Mémoires,661-735; Paul, Polignac,159-231.

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  76. Torcy to J. Basnage, January 14, 1712, AAE, C. P. Hollande, 242, fol. 10. Torcy to Huxelles and Polignac, July 7, 1712, ibid.,237, fol. 116; J. Basnage to Polignac, n.d. [attached to letter written by Polignac, May 18, 1712], ibid.,235, fols. 60-61; J. Basnage to Torcy, May 26, 1712, ibid.,235, fol. 89; J. Basnage to Torcy [June 23, 1712], ibid.,235, fol. 194; Torcy to J. Basnage, June 11, 1712, ibid.,242, fol. 276.

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  77. Ibid.,232, fols. 23-24, January 1, 1712.

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  78. See “Demandes spécifiques de Sa Majesté la Reyne de Grande Bretagne pour ce qui regarde la France,” March 5, 1712, ibid.,233, fol. 32; “Demandes spécifiques de leurs Hautes Puissances Les Seigneurs Etats généraux des Provinces-unies à Sa Majesté Très Chrétienne le Roy de france pour la Paix generale,” ibid.,233, fols. 37-38; and “Demandes spécifiques de Sa Majesté le Roy de Prusse,” ibid.,233, fols. 44, 45-46. See also “Demandes Spécifiques des Alliez du 5e Mars 1712,” ibid.,233, fols. 60-63.

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  79. Ibid.,233, fols. 37-38.

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  80. Ibid.,233, fols. 120-36, March 20, 1712.

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  81. Ibid.,242, fol. 199.

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  82. Ibid.,242, fol. 214.

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  83. Ibid.,242, fol. 215. The French plenipotentiaries applied to Torcy on Basnage’s behalf on April 28, 1712, ibid.,242, fol. 227.

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  84. Ibid.,242, fol. 188.

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  85. Ibid.,242, fol. 276.

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  86. J. Basnage to J. Robinson, July 17, 1712, BLO, Rawlinson MSS C 391, fols. 15r-18r; J. Basnage to J. Robinson, n.d., ibid.,C 982, fols. 170r-71v.

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  87. Torcy to J. Basnage, January 14, 1712, AAE, C. P. Hollande, 242, fol. 10.

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  88. Ibid.,236, fol. 94. Basnage’s letter of June 24, 1712, conformed with what the bishop of Bristol told the French plenipotentaries.

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  89. Ibid.,235, fol. 195 [June 23, 1712].

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  90. Ibid.,236, fols. 133-34, July 19 [1712].

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  91. Ibid.,236, fol. 133.

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  92. See esp. J. Basnage to Torcy, August 16, [1712], ibid.,242, fols. 466-67; and J. Basnage to Polignac [December 13, 1712], ibid.,243, fol. 232, for Basnage’s peace feelers on three regions the Dutch wanted to conduct negotiations: Tournai, Menen, and the cities of Upper Gelder land.

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  93. Ibid.,237, fol. 116, July 7, 1712.

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  94. Demandes Spécifiques faites par les Hauts Alliez à Sa Majesté Très Chrétienne pour la Paix générale, ibid.,242, fols. 66-71.

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  95. “Explication spécifique des offres de la France pour la paix générale à la satisfaction de tous les intéressés dans la guerre présente qui est conçue en ces termes,” ibid.,242, fols. 60-62; “Propositions des Alliez contre celles faites par la France,” ibid.,242, fols. 94-95.

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  96. Torcy to Huxelles and Polignac, February 9, 1713, ibid.,248, fol. 65.

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  97. Ibid.,248, fol. 182; ibid.,248, fols. 225-26.

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  98. Ibid.,244, fols. 345-46 [April 21, 1713].

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  99. 2nd ed. (Cologne [Rotterdam], 1713).

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  100. See Claude, Les Plaintes des Protestons cruellement opprimez,123-26; Ernest Moret, “Les dernières persécutions contre les protestants sous Louis XIV, 1711-1715,” BSHPF,XIII (1858), 495-512.

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  101. Basnage was, of course, exaggerating. Many Huguenots entered the military service of William III and fought against the armies of Louis XIV.

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  102. Préface sur la Durée de la Persécution, cx. Basnage gave an account of the history of the persecution of the African Christian Church by Arian princes (ibid.,cx-cxxvi).

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  103. Ibid.,cl.

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  104. Ibid., cxxv, cl, clxv.

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  105. See esp. Emile Bourgeois, La diplomatie secrète au XVIIP siècle. Ses débuts, 3 vols. (Paris, 1909-10), I: Le secret du Régent et la politique de Vabbé Dubois (Triple et Quadruple Alliances) (1716-1718), 1-69. Note the revealing thesis advanced by Louis Wiesener, Le Régent, l’abbé Dubois et les Anglais, d’après les sources britanniques, 3 vols. (Paris, 1891-99), I, 1-2, 50-51; Wiesener minimized the role of the abbé Dubois and maintained that the foreign policy of post-Louis XIV France was prepared by George I, who was the duc d’Orléans’s cousin. Basil Williams, Stanhope, A Study in Eighteenth Century War and Diplomacy (Oxford, 1932), 227, held that the Triple Alliance “no doubt orginated in the fertile brain of the little Abbé, chiefly as a means of protecting his master’s personal interests. Stanhope at first opposed it, but conquered his own original prejudices when he saw to what it might be put for the general pacification of Europe.” Cf. Ragnhild Hatton, George I: Elector and King (Cambridge, Mass., 1978), who exploited for the first time the Görtz and Bernstorff archives to discover what Wiesener had originally suggested: that George I was “at the very centre of decision-making in foreign policy” during the crucial years 1717-20 (ibid., 216). Hatton goes so far as to argue that George I at times carried out “important negotiations virtually single-handed” (loc. cit.) (see pp. 180-92, 216-46, 267-79, 294-96). Cf. J. H. Shennan, Philippe, Duke of Orléans, Regent of France, 1715-1723 (London, 1979), who concluded, much as had Emile Bourgeois, that French foreign policy was the joint effort of the regent and “his tireless and ingenious representative, Dubois. The cardinal was an astute negotiator with a fertile brain who was undoubtedly responsible for most — perhaps all — of the major foreign policy initiatives undertaken by his master. He became a great expert, as Torcy had become in the previous reign, in the field of diplomacy and the regent leant heavily on his expertise.” (p. 75).

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  106. For an assessment of the character and innovative politics of Dubois, see Bourgeois, La dipomatie secrète au XVHesiècle. Ses débuts, III: Le secret de Dubois, cardinal et premier ministre, 423-40; Wiesener, Le Régent, l’abbé Dubois et les Anglais, I, 265, 271, 241-71; Henri Leclerq, Histoire de la Régence pendant la minorité de Louis XV, 3 vols. (Paris, 1921-22), I, 315-39. The celebrated but negative portrait of Dubois in the Mémoires de Saint-Simon, éd. A. de Boislisle et al., 41 vols. (Paris, 1879-1928), XXVI, 280-82, is the result of the duc de Saint-Simon’s pro-Spanish sympathies and his antipathy for the program instituted by Dubois.

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  107. Williams, Stanhope, 220-29.

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  108. Bourgeois, Le secret du Régent et la politique de l’abbé Dubois, 95-115; Leclerq, Histoire de la Régence, I, 341-61; Ragnhild Hatton, Diplomatie Relations between Great Britain and the Dutch Republic, 1714-1721 (London, 1950), 115-20; Wiesener, Le Régent, l’abbé Dubois et les Anglais, I, 272-86.

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  109. Bourgeois, Le secret du Régent et la politique de l’abbé Dubois, 115-43; Leclerq, Histoire de la Régence, I, 363-89; Hatton, Diplomatie Relations, 126-32; Wiesener, Le Régent, l’abbé Dubois et les Anglais,,331.

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  110. Bourgeois, Le secret du Régent et la politique de l’abbé Dubois, 144-77; Leclerq, Histoire de la Régence, I, 391-419; Hatton, Diplomatie Relations, 132-43; Wiesener, Le Régent, l’abbé Dubois et les Anglais, I, 440-66; T. Bussemaker, “De Triple Alliantie van 1717,” Bijdragen voor Vaderlandsche Geschiedenis en Oudheidkunde, 4th ser., II (1902), 158-271.

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  111. The new balance of power in Europe created by the Triple Alliance endured until 1744 and gave the Dutch Republic time to recuperate from the devastating wars that had preoccupied the Republic since 1672.

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  112. Le Vier, “Eloge historique de M. Basnage,” v; repeated by Haag, FP, II, 8.

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  113. AAE, C. P. Hollande, 298, fols. 127-48.

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  114. See notably J. Basnage to A. Heinsius, November 10, 1716, ARA, Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius, 1945.

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  115. Basnage first encountered Huxelles while the latter was one of the two French plenipotentiaries at the Congress of Utrecht (J. Basnage to A. Heinsius, n.d. [1712?], ibid., 2230; Huxelles to J. Basnage, November 19, 1716, ibid., 2167).

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  116. AAE, C. P. Hollande, 298, fols. 30-32.

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  117. After the conclusion of the Treaties of Utrecht, the French ambassador at The Hague, the marquis de Châteauneuf, was in contact with Jacques Basnage and regularly reported his conversations with the latter to Huxelles (beginning January 10, 1716, ibid., 295, fol. 40). Châteauneuf regarded Basnage and Basnage’s son-in-law, Georges de la Sarraz, as “espions du Pensionnaire” (ibid., 295, fol. 141, January 28, 1716). Châteauneuf expected Basnage to answer his queries “conformément aux sentiments de M. le Pensionnaire” and hence, found the utterances of the Huguenot pastor useful indications in determining Heinsius’s thoughts. Huxelles warned Châteauneuf to expect Basnage to approach him always at the prompting of the grand pensionary (ibid., 298, fol. 253, July 4, 1716).

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  118. See also Basnage’s remark reported by Châteauneuf to Huxelles (ibid., 298, fol. 222, June 27, 1716).

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  119. This information was preparatory to Dubois’s talks with Stanhope, who was to accompany the British sovereign.

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  120. AAE, C. P. Hollande, 299, fol. 40, July 7, 1716; ibid., 299, fol. 67, July 14, 1716.

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  121. Ibid., 299, fol. 41, July 7, 1716.

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  122. Ibid., 299, fol. 40, July 7, 1716; also ibid., 299, fol. 67, July 14, 1716.

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  123. ARA, Het Archief Anthonie Heinsius, 1945, August 16 [17161.

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  124. On the conduct of foreign affairs in the Dutch Republic and the role of Grand Pensionary Heinsius as the highest authority, see Hatton, Diplomatic Relations, 21-23.

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  125. AAE, C. P. Hollande, 300, fols. 58-60.

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  126. Huxelles to Châteauneuf, October 6, 1716, ibid., 300, fol. 82.

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  127. “Dépeche du Roy,” October 6, 1716, ibid., 330, fols. 89-91.

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  128. Ibid., 300, fols, 81-84, October 6, 1716; ibid., 308, fols. 163-65.

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  129. Ibid., 306, fol. 35.

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  130. Ibid., 300, fols. 125-27; original in ARA, Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius, 2276, fols. 188-89.

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  131. AAE, C. P. Hollande, 301, fol. 218; G. Dubois to Huxelles, November 30, 1716, ibid., 302, fol. 171.

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  132. Ibid., 301, fol. 220, November 19, 1716; see original in ARA, Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius, 2167.

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  133. J. Basnage to A. Heinsius November 10 [1716], ARA, Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius, 1945.

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  134. Basnage informed Heinsius that he was prepared to write a letter to his friend the duc de Noailles, who might persuade ministers loyal to Louis XIV’s policy to accept the Tariff of 1664 (loc. cit.).

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  135. G. Dubois to Huxelles, November 17, 1716, AAE, C. P. Hollande, 302, fol. 23.

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  136. Ibid., 302, fol. 251, December 3, 1716. Basnage blamed British opposition to the Triple Alliance rather than hesitancy by the United Provinces (loc. cit.); he however noted the opposition of Rotterdam and Leiden to the accord (ibid., 302, fol. 252).

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  137. Ibid., 302, fol. 254.

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  138. Basnage significantly omitted any mention of the abbé Dubois.

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  139. AAE, C. P. Hollande, 312, fols. 176-177.

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  140. Ibid., 302, fol. 256; draft copy, ibid., 308, fol. 296.

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  141. Ibid., 312, fol. 61.

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  142. Ibid., 313, fol. 77.

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  143. Ibid., 313, fol. 79.

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  144. J. Basnage to Huxelles, November 12, 1716, ibid., 301, fol. 218-19; J. Basnage to Huxelles, December 3, 1716, ibid., 302, fol. 253.

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  145. Bourgeois, Le secret du Régent et la politique de l’abbé Dubois, 282–354; Leclerq, Histoire de la Régence II, 1-23; Hatton, Diplomatie Relations, 166-205; Williams, Stanhope, 273-313, 449-50; Wiesener, Le Régent, l’abbé Dubois et les Anglais, II, 1-215; E. Cross, “Het Aandeel van de Republiek in de Quadruple Alliantie van 1718,” Bijdragen voor Vaderlandsche Geschiedenis en Oudheidkunde, 5th ser. I (1913), 121-167.

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  146. Between January 18, 1717, and November 5, 1717, only six letters from Basnage to Huxelles remain extant in the period following the signature of the Triple Alliance; AAE, C. P. Hollande, 313, fol. 181-84; ibid., 316, fols. 117-18, 186-87, 237-38; ibid., 316, fols. 60-61; ibid., 317, fols. 138-39.

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  147. The bulk of Dubois’s letters to Basnage between April 19, 1717, and August 12, 1718, exist in AAE, C. P. Angleterre. They are in the original handwriting of the abbé prior to their codification: AAE, C. P. Hollande, 300, fols. 39-40, 43-44, 45, 46-47, 69, 285-86, 348, 351-53, 379, 388, 393, 394-95; ibid., 301, fols. 44, 45; ibid., 302, fols. 166-68, 160-61, 162-63, 164, 165; ibid., 303, fol. 65; ibid., 314, fols. 22-23, 239; ibid., 315, fols. 7, 8-9, 35, 36, 94, 95, 96-97, 106, 107, 175, 176, 246, 247, 248, 257, 258; ibid., 316, fols. 5, 6, 7, 113, 169; ibid., 317, fols. 97-98, 215; ibid., 318, fols. 37-38, 43-44, 157-58, 159-60; ibid., 320, fols. 112-14, 137-38, 306-07; ibid., 321, fols. 111-13, 114, 143, 177; ARA, Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius, 2276, fols. 242-45, October 21, 1718.

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  148. Copies or extracts made by J. Basnage: ARA, Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius, 2118, June 9, 1717; ibid., 2118, October 22, 1717; ibid., 2118, August 22 [?].

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  149. Dubois was also in correspondence with Basnage’s son-in-law, Georges de la Sarraz, who had been chaplain to the duke of Albemarle before he represented the Swiss Grisons to the United Provinces (AAE, C. P. Hollande, 300, fol. 41, April 19, 1717; ibid., 300, fol. 70, April 30, 1717; ibid., 300, fols. 98-99, May 14, 1717; ibid., 300, fol. 314, July 5, 1717).

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  150. Ibid. 300, fol. 69, April 20, 1717.

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  151. Ibid., 315, fol. 106, February 11, 1718.

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  152. Ibid., 315, fol. 107, February 11, 1718.

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  153. Dubois also kept Basnage informed of changes in the Regency government (ibid., 300, fol. 39, April 19, 1717).

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  154. Dubois was not above criticizing Dutch procrastination (ibid., 320, fols. 112-13, July 5, 1718).

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  155. Ibid., 320, fol. 137, July 8, 1718.

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  156. Ibid., 320, fol. 307.

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  157. Dubois terminated his letter of August 2, 1718, with the warning: “Que l’Espagne veut faire la guerre pour avoir la guerre seulement” (ibid., 321, fol. 112).

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  158. It may be that Jacques Basnage asked Dubois for the patent. Dubois made reference to Basnage’s letter of April 20, 1717, which has been lost, in which Basnage may have made the request. Dubois did write about “votre affaire” in his letter to the Huguenot pastor on April 30, 1717 (ibid., 300, fol. 69). In his letter of June 18, 1717, Dubois wrote: “Ce que vous avez désiré a esté accordé” (ibid., 300, fol. 285).

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  159. Ibid., 300, fol. 285, June 18, 1717.

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  160. Dubois persisted in his scheme to maintain secrecy of the restitution of the estate to Basnage, despite efforts by the latter to modify the abbé’s outlined course of action (ibid., 300, fol. 348, July 19, 1717; ibid., 300, fol. 351, July 19, 1717; ibid., 302, fol. 160, September 17, 1717). Jacques Basnage’s agent in Rouen became the chevalier Asselin de Frenelles, who had been attached to the French mission at the Congress of Utrecht and whose brother was a conseiller in the Parlement of Normandy. The Basnage de Franquenay town-house in Rouen was valued at 22,000 livres “sans l’escalier” (J. Basnage to Frenelles, December 30, 1717, BSHP, MS 192, no. 2, fol. 21 [copy made by E. Lesens from the original in the Archives départementales de la Seine-Maritime, Rouen]). Frenelles was able to sell the house for Basnage for 14,000 livres to the sieur de Montigny, one of Basnage’s friends, on March 17, 1718. For a description of the feudal domaine and château of Franquenay worth 60,000 livres, see J. Basnage to Frenelles, December 30, 1717, ibid., no. 2, fol. 20. Basnage was unable to sell Franquenay prior to his death; and his heirs contested one another for its possession (see David Houard, Dictionnaire analytique, historique, étymologique, critique et interprétatif de la Coutume de Normandie, où l’on trouve la résolution des questions les plus intéressantes du droit civil & ecclésiastique de cette province, conformément à la jurisprudence des arrêts, 4 vols. [Rouen, 1780-82], III, 693-98).

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  161. AAE, C. P. Hollande, 335, folios unnumbered, October 7, 1718.

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  162. See Bourgeois, Le secret du Régent et la politique de l’abbé Dubois, 355-80; idem, Le secret de Dubois, 1-379.

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  163. AAE, C. P. Hollande, 335, folios unnumbered, October 11, 1718. But Morville agreed with Dubois: “Qu’on ne peut prendre aucune confiance en Monsieur Basnage, mais qu’il est cependant important de le cultiver et qu’il faut extrêmement éviter de lui fair paroitre qu’on le soupçonne. Cela seroit très dangereux” (ibid., 335, folios unnumbered, October 14, 1718).

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  164. Mémoires du Président Hénault, éd. F. Rousseau (Paris, 1911), 38.

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  165. ARA, Archief van Anthonie Heinsius, 2118, June 25, 1717; ibid., 2118, July 30, 1717; ibid., 2118, October 10, 1717; AAE, C. P. Angleterre, 305, fols. 10-13, November 12, 1717; ibid., 303, fols. 168-69, December 3, 1717; ARA, Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius, 2118, December 6, 1717; AAE, C. P. Hollande, 336, fols. 2-3, January 7, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 4-5, January 18, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 6-7, January 18 [1718]; ibid., 336, fol. 8, January 18, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 9-10, February 1, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 11-12, February 8 [1718]; ibid., 336, fols. 13-4, February 11, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 15-16, February 11, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 19-22, February 18, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 23-56, February 25 [1718]; ibid., 336, fols. 27-28, March 1, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 29-30, March 1, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 31-32, March 4, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 33-34, March [?], 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 35-36, n.d. [1718]; ibid.

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  166. fols. 39-40, March 8, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 37-38, March 22 [1718]; ibid., 336, fol. 41, March 29, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 44-45, April 7, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 46-47, April 7, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 42-43, April 9, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 55-56, April 15, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 57-58, April 19, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 61-62, [April] 26 [1718]; ibid., 336, fols. 63-64, April 26, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 65-55, April 29, 1718; ARA, Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius, 2118, May 13,1718; ibid., 2118, August 7, 1718; AAE, C. P. Hollande, 338, fols. 390-91, August 9, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 139-40, August 12, 1718; ibid., 336, fol. 141, August 12, 1718; ibid., 336, fols. 145-47, [August] 23 [1718]; ibid., 336, fols. 155-56, August 29, [1718]; ibid., 336, fols. 186-87, September 13, 1718; ibid., 337, fols. 54-55, January 10, 1719; ibid.

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  167. fols. 127-28,January 31, 1719; ibid., 337, fols. 242-43, February 16, 1719; ibid., 337, fols. 384-87, April 10, 1719; ibid., 337, fols. 444-45, April 28, 1719; ibid., 338, fols. 224-226, June 20, 1719; ibid.

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  168. fols. 378-79, August 3 [1719]; ibid., 338, fol. 392, August 11, 1719; ibid., 343, fols. 90-91, May 17, 1720; ibid., 346, fols. 57-58, August 22, 1721; ibid., 350, fols. 141-42, October I, 1722; ibid., 350, fols. 219-23, November 23, 1722.

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  169. Ibid., 336, fol. 8, January 18, 1718; ibid., 336, fol. 19, February 18, 1718.

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  170. Ibid., 338, fol. 390, August 9, 1718.

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  171. Ibid., 337, fol. 54.

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  172. Ibid., 337, fol. 127.

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  173. Ibid., 336, fol. 145.

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  174. Ibid., 336, fol. 186, October 13, 1718.

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  175. Ibid., 338, fols. 378-79, August 3 [1719].

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  176. Ibid., 338, fol. 392, August 11, 1719.

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  177. Bourgeois, Le secret de Dubois, I-379, 380-422.

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  178. Basnage tried to ingratiate himself with Dubois, who had been created cardinal (ibid., 346, fol. 58, August 22, 1721); but Dubois took little interest in Basnage until after Heinsius’s death and the possibility that the Dutch would elect a stadholder. Basnage then resumed his correspondence with Dubois, who was now principal minister to the regent (ibid., 350, fols. 141-42, October 1, 1722; ibid., 350, fols. 219-23, November 13, 1722).

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  179. Twenty-five copies or extracts of Dubois’s letters in Basnage’s handwriting exist in ARA, Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius, 2118.

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  180. It was Basnage’s practice to note in the margin “copie pour M. le Conseiller Pensionnaire.” For some communications Basnage also indicated whether Buys, Fagel, or Van Duyenvoorde had seen Dubois’s message before it was passed on to Heinsius.

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  181. Ibid., 1987, 2013, 2118.

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  182. Fourteen copies in Basnage’s handwriting of his letters to Dubois are preserved (ibid., 2118).

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  183. Ibid., 2013 (13 letters); ibid., 2118 (12 letters); ibid., 2043 (8 letters); ibid., 2075 (7 letters). Unfortunately, Basnage did not often date his letters to Heinsius. At other times he only indicated the day of the week. In some instances he indicated only the hour of the day, etc. The archivist who assembled Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius has succeeded in arranging Basnage’s letters in a plausible chronological order.

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  184. Ibid., 2118, June 6 [1717].

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  185. Ibid., 2118, August 14 [1717]; ibid., 2118, September 12, [1717]; ibid., 2118, “ce 19 mecredy matin” [1718]; ibid., 2013, May 10 [1718]; ibid., 2013, July 19 [1718].

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  186. Ibid., 2118, “ce samedy 11” [1717]; ibid., 2118, September 4, [1717]; ibid., 2118, November 3, 1717; ibid., 2118, June 11, 1719; ibid., 2043, August 8, [1719]; ibid., 2043, “ce mardy du soir” [1719]; ibid., 2043, “ce lundy” [1719]; ibid., 2043, July 1 [1719]; ibid., 2075, February 8 [1720]; ibid., 2075, “ce mardy à 3 H” [1720]; ibid., 2075 [date unreadable] [1720]; ibid., 2075, n.d. [1720]; ibid., 2075, n.d. [1720]; ibid., 2075, n.d. [1720].

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  187. Morville to G. Dubois, July 16, 1720, AAE, C. P. Hollande, 343, fol. 221. Rather suprisingly, the only authoritative study of Heinsius as grand pensionary remains A. J. van der Heim’s 207 pp. doctoral dissertation, De Antonio Heinsio Consiliario (Leiden, 1834). Excellent, brief assessments of Heinsius are made by the following: Arie de Fouw, Jr., Onbekende Raadpensionarissen (The Hague, 1946), 137-64; B. van ’t Hoff, ed., Het Archief van Anthonie Heinsius (The Hague, 1950), 5-18, followed by a bibliography of Heinsius’s time, 21-29; and most recently, A. J. Veenendaal, Jr., ed., De Briefwisseling van Anthonie Heinsius, 1702-1720, 1:19 maart-31 december 1702, Rijks Geschiedkundige Publication, Large Series, no. 158 (The Hague, 1976), vii-xxxiv, followed by a bibliography, 601-08.

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  188. (Rotterdam, 1719); published anonymously but cited by the publisher Abraham Acher as the work of Jacques Basnage (“Avis de l’éditeur”).

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  189. For Jacques Basnage’s motivations in writing the Instruction pastorale aux réformez de France, see Le Vier “Eloge historique de M. Basnage,” xiv.

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  190. Alberoni had been eminently successful in promoting the treason of the duc de Richelieu, commander of the Bayonne garrison, and in fomenting the insurrection of the nobility in Brittany. Spanish intentions were more clearly apparent in Philip V’s manifesto to the French on April 7 and April 27, 1719 (Wiesener, Le Régent, l’abbé Dubois et les Anglais, III, 52-64; Le Clercq, Histoire de la Régence, II, 331-64).

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  191. Morville to G. Dubois, January 31, 1719, AAE, C. P. Hollande, 337, fol. 135; Morville to G. Dubois, March 24, 1719, ibid., 337, fols. 334-35; G. Dubois to Morville, April 3, 1719, ibid., 337, fol. 355.

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  192. Ibid., 337, fol. 355.

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  193. Ibid., 337, fol. 356.

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  194. Ibid., 337, fol. 383, April 7, 1719.

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  195. Ibid., 337, fol. 399, April 11, 1719. Basnage had gained this information from Beretti-Landi in The Hague.

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  196. Léonard, HGP, II, 20-23. The best work detailing the “Eglise du Désert” in the early eighteenth century remains Edmond Hugues’s Antoine Court. Histoire de la restauration du protestantisme en France au XVIIIe siècle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1872), I, 25-356; for Hugues’s treatment of Basnage’s Instruction pastorale aux réformez de France, see ibid., I, 123-26. For a fresh, balanced analysis of the “Eglise de Désert héroïque,” see Daniel Ligou and Philippe Joutard, “Les déserts (1685-1800),” in Mandrou et al., Histoire des protestants en France, 189-215.

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  197. AAE, C, P. Hollande, 337, fol. 386, April 10, 1719.

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  198. Proverbs 24:21.

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  199. “La douceur du gouvernement present est comme un vent doux & printanier.…” Instruction pastorale aux réformez de France, 16).

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  200. Ibid., 17-18.

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  201. Ibid., 18.

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  202. Ibid., 19. Basnage’s attitude reflected the opinion of the aristocracy and the upper bourgeoisie vis-à-vis the lower class “mobs.”

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  203. Loc. cit.

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  204. “Si vous n’êtes pas sensible à des intérêts legitimes & naturelles [sic], vous devez l’être à l’honneur de votre Religion, laquelle s’est établie par le sang des Martyrs, & qui n’autorise jamais le port ni l’usage des armes pour sa conservation” (loc. cit.).

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  205. Ibid., 20.

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  206. Ibid., 21; see Romans 13:5.

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  207. Instruction pastorale aux réformez de France, 23.

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  208. AAE, C. P. Hollande, 337, fol. 444. Basnage however sent Dubois only the second-half of the Instruction pastorale aux réformez de France. He avoided consignment of the first-half — “des exhortations générales,” as Basnage apologized to the abbé — which dealt with the veracity of Calvinism.

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  209. Ibid., 337, fols. 442-43, May 8, 1719.

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  210. “Mémoire instructif, touchant ce qui se passe aujourd’hui dans l’église désolée de France au sujet des saintes assemblées qui se convoquent dan le désert et dans les heures nocturnes,” BSHPF, Papiers Antoine Court, MS 60lII, fols. 76-80 [copies made by Francis Waddington in 1864 from the Collection Antoine Court, Bibliothèque Publique et Universitaire, Geneva].

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  211. French Huguenot eschewal of violence against tyrannical secular authority later bore its fruit in the nonviolent resistance of the village of Le Chambon-sur-Lignon during the Vichy Regime and the later occupation of the southern French Unoccupied Zone by the troops of Hitler’s Third Reich. See Philip P. Hallie, Lest Innocent Blood Be Shed: The Story of the Village of Le Chambon and How Goodness Happened There (New York, 1979), for a moving account of French Protestant refusal to implement Vichy and German anti-Semitic laws. Drawing upon the tradition of the Synod of Montèzes, the citizens of Le Chambon-sur-Lignon in the Cévennes region sheltered the first refugees fleeing from Republican Spain, followed by anti-Nazi Germans and Austrians who were predominantly Jews, and finally, French Jews. Le Chambon-sur-Lignon succeeded in transferring entire families and individual refugees through an underground apparatus to Switzerland, while providing a permanent haven for children of parents deported to Germany. Although the villagers suffered arrests, internments in concentration camps, foreign deportations, and a few deaths, they accomplished their mission exalting the preciousness of human life without violating the biblical commandment against killing.

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  212. J. Basnage to G. Dubois, June 20, 1719, AAE, C. P. Hollande, 338, fols. 224-26, in which Basnage outlined Spanish intrigues in Poitou and Nîmes and the participation of 4,000-5,000 French Protestants in assemblies.

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  213. J. Basnage to P. Carrière, A. Court, Dom, Proposants, Elders, etc., July 8, 1719, BSHPF, MS 601II, I, fols. 199-200.

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  214. Ibid., I, fol. 199.

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  215. Loc. cit.

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  216. For a possible copy of J. Basnage’s letter to P. Carrière which accompanied the pamphlet, see C. Rey to A. Court [?], August 3, 1719, ibid., II, fols. 100-01.

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  217. Ibid., I, fols. 91-97; published as Abrégé d’histoire apologétique, ou Défense des réformés de Fronce, qui sert de réponse à l’Instruction pastorale sur la persévérance en la foy et fidélité pour le souverain, de M. Basnage, datée du 19 avril 1719 and appended to Antoine Court’s Relation historique des horribles cruautez qu’on a exercées envers quelques Protestons de France. (n.p., n.d.) [reprinted as “L’exhortation de Jacques Basnage aux Réformés de France et la réponse de ceux-ci, 1719,” BSHPF, 1st ser., V (1856), 53-64].

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  218. BHSPF, MS 601II, I, fol. 91. Court also noted: “Nous sommes forcés de reconnaître que nos péchés sont la cause de nos malheurs” (loc. cit.

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  219. Ibid., I, fol. 191.

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  220. Ibid., I, fols. 91-97; published as Abrégé d’histoire apologétique, ou Défense des réformés de Fronce, qui sert de réponse à l’Instruction pastorale sur la persévérance en la foy et fidélité pour le souverain, de M. Basnage, datée du 19 avril 1719 and appended to Antoine Court’s Relation historique des horribles cruautez qu’on a exercées envers quelques Protestons de France… (n.p., n.d.) [reprinted as “L’exhortation de Jacques Basnage aux Réformés de France et la réponse de ceux-ci, 1719,” BSHPF, 1st ser., V (1856), 53-64].

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  221. BHSPF, MS 601II, I, fol. 91. Court also noted: “Nous sommes forcés de reconnaître que nos péchés sont la cause de nos malheurs” (loc. cit.).

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  222. Ibid., I, fol. 191.

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  223. Basnage thought that the 1721 edition of his Histoire de la Religion des Eglises réformées in 5 vols, would make for appropriate instructional reading in France (ibid., I, fol. 193), and he later sent 25 copies (ibid., II, fol. 972). Basnage also hoped that a new edition of his 2 vols. Traité de la conscience would soon appear and prove profitable to French Protestants (ibid., I, fol. 193).

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  224. Ibid., II, fols. 969-73.

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  225. Ibid., II, fol. 970.

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  226. Jules Bonnet, “Lettre d’Antoine Court à Basnage (1722),” BHSPF, 3rd ser., VI (1887), 426-32.

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  227. J.-A. Galland, Les pasteurs français Amyraut, Bochart, Merlat, etc. et la royauté de droit divin de l’Edit de Nantes à la Révocation (1629–1685) (Paris, 1929), 54. For a contemporary interpretation of political doctrines advocated by French Calvinist writers between 1630 and 1685, see Elisabeth Labrousse’s reports on her lectures in Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes, IVe Section, Annuaire, 1970–1971, 103 (Paris, 1971), 601-13; idem, Annuaire, 1971–1972, 104 (Paris, 1972), 529-38; idem, Annuaire, 1972–1973, 105 (Paris, 1973), 549-59; idem, Annuaire, 1973–1974, 106 (Paris, 1974), 607-09.

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  228. Basnage’s Instruction pastorale aux réformez de France had two additional consequences. First, the bishop of Valence replied to the first part of Basnage’s work that dealt with the verity of Calivinism over Roman Catholicism. Basnage refuted the bishop of Valence in a Seconde Instruction pastorale aux réformez de France, sur la persévérance dans la foi et Vobéissance au souverain, pour servir de réponse à la Lettre pastorale de M. de Catelan (Rotterdam, 1720). For the controversy between the two, see Le Vier, “Eloge historique de M. Basnage,” xiv-xv. Finally, the French government reprinted Basnage’s Instruction pastorale aux réformez de France in 1746; for the circumstances of this edition, see J.-P. Hugues, “La seconde édition de l’écrit de Basnage intitulé Instruction pastorale aux réformez de France sur la persévérance dans la foi et la fidélité pour le souverain. Son histoire secrète et authentique d’après les archives de Montpellier, 1746,” BHSPF, 1st ser., V (1856), 192-210.

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  229. See the very complete, anonymous obituary which was probably written by Pierre Desmaizeaux but which incorporates many of the stylistic devices used by Jacques Basnage, “Mémoire touchant la Vie & les Ecrits de feu M. le Docteur Burnet, Evêque de Salisbury,” Journal Littéraire de l’An 1715 [The Hague], VI, art. xiii, 202-20.

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  230. Annales des Provinces-Unies, II, viii.

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  231. “Lettre manuscrite de M. Burnet du 19 février 1714 contenant divers éclaircissemens que je lui avois demandez sur les affaires d’Angleterre,” ibid., II, 866, n. a.

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  232. Desmaizeaux’s first French version of his Vie de Monsieur Bayle appeared in a more complete draft only in 1730 at the beginning of the 5th edition of Bayle’s DHC. In 1732, it was re-edited in Paris and published separately; this version also prefaced the 6th edition of Bayle’s DHC (Trévoux, 1734). The publication of the Lettres de Mr. Bayle à sa famille in the 1737 Trévoux edition of the Oeuvres Diverses prompted Desmaizeaux to write a partially revised biography of the philosopher of Rotterdam. This last and definitive Vie de Monsieur Bayle was printed at the head of the 8th edition of Bayle’s DHC (Amsterdam, 1740).

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  233. BLL, MSS Add 4281, fol. 60.

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  234. Ibid., fol. 62.

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  235. Ibid., fols. 62-63. The work in question was the Lettres choisies de Mr. Bayle avec des Remarques, ed. P. Desmaizeaux and P. Marchand, 3 vols. (Rotterdam, 1714) (see Labrousse, Inventaire critique, 14-16). Desmaizeaux’s co-editor, Prosper Marchand, was a noted French Huguenot book dealer, bibliophile, editor, literary critic, journalist associated with the Journal Littéraire issued in The Hague, a historian of early printing, a collector of rare books, and a correspondent with members of the Republic of Letters (see Christiane Bervens-Stevelinck, Prosper Marchand et Vhistoire du livre. Quelques aspects de l’érudition bibliographique dans la première moitié du XVIIIesiècle, particulièrement en Hollande [Bruges, 1978]; idem, “Prosper Marchand, auteur et éditeur,” Quaerendo, V [1975], 218-34; Margaret C. Jacob, The Radical Enlightenment: Pantheists, Freemasons and Republicans [London, 1981], 144-76; Sgard, Dictionnaire des journalistes, 258-59).

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  236. KBH, MS 72 D 58 k.

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  237. Loc. cit.

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  238. Loc. cit.

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  239. The passing of Jurieu, who had troubled Basnage’s pastorate in Rotterdam, and the sale of his library in Rotterdam on October 16, 1713, provoked Basnage to comment: “m’a causé des embarras qui ont dérobé jusqu’à present mon temps” (loc. cit.). Basnage’s inconvenience resulted from Jurieu’s widow, Hélène Du Moulin, who engaged him, as her brother-in-law, to represent her interests in the long, drawn-out lawsuit concerning the settlement of Jurieu’s estate (see Knetsch, Pierre Jurieu, 378-79). Jurieu’s mystically inclined widow subsequently joined an esoteric, isolated band of refugee Huguenot Millenarian prophets in London, where she died in 1720. See Hillel Schwartz, The French Prophets: The History of a Millenarian Group in Eighteenth-Century England (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 1980).

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  240. Cuper replied to Basnage from Zwolle prior to his death in 1716. The copyist has obviously made an error in rendering the date of Cuper’s reply June 6, 1716 (KBH, MS 72 D 58 1); Cuper’s last letter to Basnage must have been written in September or October 1716.

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  241. In the postscript of his reply to Basnage, Cuper narrated his encounter and conversation with Père Quesnel in Amsterdam, when the latter was eighty-one years old (KBH, MS 72 D 58 1).

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  242. KBH, MS 72 D 58 k.

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  243. Archives de la famille de Budé.

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  244. The pirated Geneva edition of Bayle’s dictionary was published in 1715.

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  245. Archives de la famille de Budé, September 22 [1718-19?] [printed in Lettres à J.-A. Turrettini, I, 171].

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  246. Archives de la famille de Budé, August 1, 1720 [printed in Lettres à J.-A. Turrettini, I, 159].

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  247. Archives de la famille de Budé [printed in Lettres á J.-A. Turret tint, I, 162].

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  248. Loc. cit. It would be interesting to learn what Basnage’s response would have been to Turrettini’s success in having the obligatory confession of faith subscribed by Genevans abolished in 1725.

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  249. 6 vols. (Ingolstadt, 1601-08). See [Paquot], Mémoires, III, 142-49; Nieuw Nederlandsch Biografisch Woordenboek, V, 89-90.

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  250. Basnage’s Prospectus was reviewed in the HOS (May 1709), art. viii, 214-16. The reviewer described Basnage’s plan for a new critical edition of ecclesiastical texts; but he did not cite any collaborators save for remarking: “Les Sçavans qui voudront contribuër à l’exécution de ce dessein par leurs avis, ou par des Ouvrages imprimez ou manuscrits, les adresseront à Rotterdam chez Fritsch & Böhm” (ibid., 216). The Journal Littéraire de l’An 1715, published in The Hague, noted that Basnage’s anthology was “déjà fort avancée” and that “on va travailler incessament à cette nouvelle édition du Canisius qui sera bien tôt achevée” (ibid., VI, 252). Nicéron, Mémoires, IV, 307, listed the Prospectus` as one of Basnage’s works. On the other hand, Pierre Colon omits it altogether in his bibliography, Prélude au siècle des Lumières en France: Répertoire chronologique de 1680 à 1715, 6 vols. (Geneva, 1970-75). I have, unfortunately, been unable to locate a copy of this apparently very rare publication by Basnage. I am indebted to Haag, FP, II, 13, for what little information I could assemble concerning Basnage’s collaborators.

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  251. Archbishop and later cardinal, Passionei assembled during his travels an extensive library in sacred and profane antiquities. Basnage met Passionei in The Hague and during the sessions of the Congress of Utrecht, where Passionei filled the post of papal legate. Passionei became Vatican librarian in 1755. See Giuseppe V. Vella, Il Passionei e la politico di Clemente XI, 1708–1716 (Rome, 1953).

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  252. The scholarly marchese Maffei was an archeologist, philologist, and historian who, with Ludovico Antonio Muratori and Giambattista Vico, laid the foundations for the Enlightenment in Italy during the first-half of the eighteenth century. His two most important works were Il consiglio politico alla veneta, published in 1737, and the Arte Magica annichilata, published in 1751. The first analyzed the fundamental weakness which brought about the eventual decline of Venice; the second, like Bayle’s Pensées diverses sur la Comète, attacked popular superstition and traditional theology. Late in his life, Maffei traveled extensively in France, England, Holland, and the Germanies. He was designated “associé surnuméraire” of the French Académie Royale des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. See Opère del Maffei, 18 vols. (Venice, 1790); Liceo Ginnasio Statate Scipione Maffei. Miscellanea maffeiana, publicata del 2 centenario délia morte de Scipione Maffei (Verona, 1955); Franco Venturi, Italy and the Enlightenment: Studies in a Cosmopolitan Century, ed. Stuart Woolf, trans. S. Corsi (New York, 1972), 103-33, and passim.

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  253. Elected to the Académie française, president of the Académie Royale des Sciences for over thirty years, and an honorary member of the Académie Royale des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Bignon belonged to the Congrégation de l’Oratoire and was preacher to the king. In 1701, he reformed and gave permanent form to the Journal des Sçavans, which he edited until 1714. In 1718, he became the king’s librarian. During his immensely active lifetime, Bignon knew and corresponded with everyone who mattered in the Republic of Letters. See Jack A. Clarke, “Abbé Jean-Paul Bignon: ‘Moderator of the Academies’ and Royal Librarian,” French Historical Studies, VIII (1973), 213-35. There was another side to Bignon’s career which Elisabeth Labrousse has pointed out to me: “Il fut pendant de longues années responsable de la censure des livres à Paris (puis en France). Sa science est certaine mais sa personalité quelque peu ‘repellent’.” See also Jacques Lebrun, “Censure préventive et littérature religieuse en France au début du XVIIIe siècle,” Revue d’Histoire de l’Eglise de France, 61 (1975), 201-25.

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  254. A member of the Congrégation de Saint-Maur and chief collaborator and successor of Mabillon. See Nicéron, Mémoires, II, 314-20.

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  255. Professor of Greek at the Collège Royal de France and member of the Académie Royale des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. See Cioranescu, Bibliographie de la littérature française du XVIIe siècle, I, 443.

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  256. Presumably Nicolas Clément (1647–1712), who wrote to Basnage about the Council of Jerusalem on April 30, 1709 (BRUL, Marchand 2). Clément was assistant librarian of the Bibliothèque du Roi and a scholar in his own right. Basnage could have been put in touch with him through Reinier Leers, who supplied Louis XIV’s library with books from his own press and from his bookstore. See Lankhorst, Reinier Leers, 31, 95, 106-09, 112-17, 121, 127, 129, 241-48, 250-51, 253, 255-56, 258-61.

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  257. BN, Fonds franç, nouv. acq., MS 5157, fol. 16.

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  258. BRUL, Marchand 2, July 4, 1709.

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  259. Bignon wrote to Basnage again on June 18, 1712 (ibid.), but he made no mention of the publishing venture. Three extant letters from Passionei to Basnage (October 23, 1722; February 27 [1723]; and June 23, 1723) omit comment on the project (ibid.). For Basnage’s correspondence with Maffei, see Le Vier, “Eloge historique de M. Basnage,” v.

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  260. KBC, Fabricius Collection, MSS 104-123,4°, fols. 9r-9v.

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  261. Serapion of Thmuis, Adversus Manichaeos liber, and Titus of Bostra, Libri tres una cum argumento libri quatri, adversus Manichaeos.

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  262. KBC, Fabricius Collection, MSS 104-123,4°, fols. 10r-10v.

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  263. Maffei made a new translation of Chrysostom’s Epistola from the Florentine original. Basnage then collated Mafffei’s and Bigot’s translations for an up-dated version of the Epistola. Basnage also added a fragment of another letter from Chrysostom to Caesarius never before utilized in which Chrysostom repudiated the errors of the Appollinarians.

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  264. Synod of Arnhem, September 1710; Synod of Rotterdam, September 1712; Synod of Maastricht, May 1714; Synod of Utrecht, September 1715; Synod of Bergen op Zoom, May 1717; Synod of Deventer, September 1718; Synod of Maastricht, April 1720; Synod of Dordrecht, August 1721; Synod of Haarlem, August 1723. Basnage was too ill to attend the last named synod and a substitute was sent in his place (ARA, “Registre des délibérations du Consistoire,” no. 3, fol. 26).

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  265. Synod of Arnhem, September 4, 1710, Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. i, 2.

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  266. Synod of Utrecht, September 5, 1715, ibid., art. i, 2.

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  267. Synod of Maastricht, April 25, 1720, ibid., art. i, 2.

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  268. Ibid., art. xx, 5, May 8, 1711.

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  269. Ibid., art. xxix, 7-8, September 5, 1711.

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  270. Ibid., art. xlv, 11, September 7, 1711.

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  271. Ibid., art. xxviii, 7, May 6, 1712.

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  272. Ibid., art. xxxviii, 9, September 12, 1712.

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  273. Ibid., art. xli, 8, May 15, 1713.

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  274. Ibid., art. xxxvi, 7, September 7, 1713.

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  275. Ibid., art. xxxviii, 8, May 5, 1714.

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  276. Ibid., art. xxxvi, 7, September 15, 1714.

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  277. Ibid., xxxviii, 10, May 6, 1715.

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  278. Ibid., art. 1, 14, September 10, 1715.

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  279. Ibid., art. lvi, 12, May 12, 1716.

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  280. Ibid., art. xlii, 9, September 8, 1716.

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  281. For Basnage’s role, see ARA, “Registre des délibérations du Consistoire,” no. 2, fol. 66, August 11, 1711; ibid., no. 2, fol. 83, January 4, 1712; ibid., no. 2, fol. 92, March 21, 1712; ibid., no. 2, fols. 112-13, March 13, 1713; ibid., no. 2, fols. 114-15, March 31, 1713; ibid., no. 2, fol. 119, June 19, 1713.

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  282. BW, “Actes et papiers originaux,” Livre D, fols. 293-96.

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  283. Synod of The Hague, May 3, 1715, Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. xvii, 4-5; Synod of Utrecht, September 6, 1715, ibid., art. xxv, 6; Synod of Deventer, September 6, 1718, ibid., art. xlii, 12; Synod of Maastricht, May 1, 1720, ibid., art. lxii, 13; Synod of Naarden, September 9, 1720, ibid., art. lviii, 14; Synod of Breda, May 6, 1721, ibid., art. lx, 16.

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  284. Synod of Veere, May 6, 1712, ibid., art. xiv, 3-4.

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  285. Synod of Rotterdam, September 10, 1712, ibid., art. xxi, 5.

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  286. Ibid., art. xxv, 6-7. Basnage had already entered into correspondence with the bishop of Bristol through the good offices of Buys (BLO, Rawlinson MSS C 391, fols. 15r-18r, July 17, 1712; ibid., C 982, fols. 170r-71v, n.d.).

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  287. BW, “Actes et papiers originaux,” Livre D, fol. 154 [printed in its entirety by F.-H. Gagnebin in “Gabriel Mathurin,” BSHPF, XXVI (1877), 519-23].

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  288. BW, “Actes et papiers originaux,” Livre D, fol. 155.

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  289. Articles résolus aux Synodes, art.xxx, 7.

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  290. The instructions dated November 22, 1714, for John Dalrimple, the second earl of Stair, ambasador to the court of Louis XIV, detailed George I’s interest in obtaining the release of additional French Protestants still detained by the French king (British Diplomatic Instructions: France, 1689–1721, XXXV, 84).

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  291. D. de Superville to the Synod of’ s-Hertogenbosch, May 10, 1713, BW, “Actes et papiers originaux,” Livre D, fol. 149 [printed in its entirety by Gagnebin in “Gabriel Mathurin,” 516-18]. See also Synod of’ s-Hertogenbosch, May 12, 1713, Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. xxii, 5.

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  292. Included were those French Protestants who had members of their family abroad and who would receive permission to rejoin them. The right of Huguenot refugees to return to France for the purpose of settling their affairs was also stipulated.

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  293. Included were provisions to grant French Huguenots freedom of conscience, release from prisons and galleys, and repeal of royal ordinances which discriminated against French Protestants.

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  294. As already noted, Basnage himself wrote such an anonymous prefacte to the 1713 edition of Jean Claude’s Les Plaintes des Protestons cruellement opprimez.

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  295. ARA, “Registre des délibérations du Consistoire,” no. 3, fol. 128, September 17, 1713; ibid., no. 3, fol. 129, September 25, 1713; ibid., no. 3, 198, October 16, 1716; Synod of Bergen op Zoom, May 12, 1717, Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. lvi, 16; ARA, “Registre des délibérations du Consistoire,” no. 3, fol. 260, October 16, 1719.

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  296. BW, “Actes et papiers originaux,” Livre D, fols. 129–31.

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  297. Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. xvii, 4-5, September 9, 1712.

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  298. BW, “Actes et papiers originaux,” Livre D, fols. 133-35; ibid., Livre D, fols. 153-60, May 16, 1713.

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  299. Ibid., Livre D, fols. 317-18, August 24, 1715; ibid., Livre D, fols. 349-52, August 4, 1716.

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  300. Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. lxx, 14, May 1, 1720.

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  301. J. Basnage to the Synod of Nijmegen, September 1, 1722, BW, “Actes et papiers originaux,” Livre D, fol. 675; also Synod of Nijmegen, September 1722, Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. xl, 14. See the commission addressed to Basnage by the Synod of Zierikzee, May 1722, ibid., art. xlvi, 11.

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  302. J. Basnage to the Synod of Gouda, August 25, 1723, BW, “Actes et papiers synodaux pour 1721-1724,” Livre E, fols. 269-71; Synod of Gouda, May 3, 1723, Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. xlix, 11. The Synod of Haarlem referred similar matters to Basnage, August 3, 1723, ibid., art. li, 11.

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  303. Ibid., art. xxvii, 8, September 3, 1718.

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  304. Ibid., art. xxxv, 8, May 8, 1719.

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  305. Synod of Maastricht, May 1, 1720, ibid., art. lxi, 12-13.

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  306. Ibid., art. M, 13, May 5, 1718.

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  307. Ibid., art. lxiv, 16, May 4, 1724.

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  308. ARA, “Registre des délibérations du Consistoire,” No. 4, fol. 36. See also BRUL, MS BPL 127 AH, following the author’s last entry for notations made by another hand, possibly that of Charles Le Vier, for the circumstances of Basnage’s death.

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  309. After Jacques Basnage’s death, his library was placed for auction sale. See Catalogus librorum in vario generi insignium, praecipue vero in theologia et historia ecclesiastica, quibus utebatur celeberrimus vir D. J. Basnagius, eques (The Hague, 1724), which lists 3,164 lots of manuscripts and books. For the great value of this catalogue, see Archer Taylor, Book Catalogues: Their Varieties and Uses (Chicago, 1957), 232. Earlier, there occurred an auction sale in 1715 in The Hague of what appears to have been the major part of Jacques Basnage’s library. Basnage may have decided to dispose of some 6,124 lots of books and manuscripts because his need for his collection diminished as he turned to the writing of the political history of the Dutch Republic, a task which he envisaged would occupy the remainder of his lifetime. See Bibliotheca Sarraziana, distrahenda per Abr. de Hondt et H. Scheurleer, bibliop. ad diem 16 septb. 1715… (The Hague, 1715). For an analysis of this outstanding private collection, see E. V. Stocks, “Bibliotheca Sarraziana,” The Athenaeum: Journal of English and Foreign Literature, Science, the Fine Arts, Music, and the Drama, no. 4110 (August 4, 1906), 131; and ibid., no. 4127 (December 1, 1906), 692.

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  310. Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. xlviii, 11.

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  311. Ibid., art. xlviii, 12.

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Cerny, G. (1987). Refuge in Holland: Ministry in the Walloon Church of The Hague and Protestant Diplomacy, 1710–23. In: Theology, Politics and Letters at the Crossroads of European Civilization. Archives Internationales D’Histoire Des Idees International Archives of the History of Ideas, vol 107. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-4343-8_4

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