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Organicism, Culture and Ideology in Late Victorian Britain: The Uses of Complexity

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Part of the book series: Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science ((BSPS,volume 105))

Abstract

In 1972 Philip C. Ritterbush closed his survey of the various influences which had historically shaped the concept of organic form by calling for a wider range of interpretations of the concept than that which could be provided by the history of aesthetics or science on their own.1 Since then, as if in answer to his call, detailed studies of the cultural role of organicism as a resource of conservative ideology in nineteenth-century Britain have been produced in two highly influential, discrete but in many respects complementary areas of the academy. Terry Eagleton’s Criticism and ideology (1976) sought to demonstrate the theoretical shortcomings of the “Culture and society tradition” of Raymond Williams by locating its humanism and idealism in what was essentially a nineteeth-century “radical-conservative” critique of industrial society. This was based on an appeal to organic and corporate notions of community.2 In the work of the Edinburgh University “strong programme” for the sociology of knowledge, most particularly that of David Bloor, the “styles of thought” ascribed by Karl Mannheim to early-nineteenth century German conservatism have been used to set up a model of “conservative-Romantic” ideology which is opposed to another model, a “radical-Enlightenment” ideology.3

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Notes

  1. Philip C. Ritterbush, “Aesthetics and objectivity in the study of form in the life sciences” in G. S. Rousseau (Ed.), Organic form. The life of an idea (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972) pp. 25–60. In connection with the present study see also in the same volume, W. K. Wimsatt, “Organic form: some questions about a metaphor”, pp. 61–82.

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  2. Terry Eagleton, Criticism and ideology. A study in Marxist literary theory, London: Verso, 1976

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  3. Raymond Williams, Culture and society 1780–1950, London: Chatto and Windus, 1958 (Hammondsworth: Penguin, 1963).

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  4. David Bloor, “Wittgenstein and Mannheim on the sociology of mathematics”, Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science, 4, pp. 173–191 (1973) and Knowledge and social imagery (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976)

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  5. Barry Barnes, Scientific knowledge and sociological theory (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1974) and Interests and the growth of knowledge (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977).

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  6. Bloor (1976), n. 3 above, p. 55.

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  7. Eagleton, n. 2 above, pp. 119 ff

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  8. David Bloor Knowledge and social imagery (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976) Bloor (1976), n. 3 above, p. 55.

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  9. Sally Shuttleworth, George Eliot and nineteenth-century science. The make-believe of a beginning (Cambridge: University Press) 1984.

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  10. Allon White, The uses of obscurity. The fiction of early modernism (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul) 1981.

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  11. Perry Anderson, “Origins of the present crisis”, New Left Review, 23, pp. 26–53 (1964). Anderson developed the argument further in “Components of the national culture”, New Left Review, 50, pp. 3–57 (1968); E. P. Thompson, “The peculiarities of the English”, The Socialist Register, pp. 318–319 (1965)

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  12. Eagleton, note 2 above.

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  13. Ibid. Cf. Sam Rhodie, “Review: Movie reader, Film as film”, Screen, 13 (4), pp. 135–145 (1972–3) for a more or less contemporary critique of Leavisite, organic holism in British film criticism: “This view of the art work as an ‘organic’ whole, expressing important truth.... connects back to Romantic aesthetics and to its heir, Realist aesthetics.” (p. 138).

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  14. For Rhodie’s work in relation to Anderson’s national culture debate see Kevin McDonnel and Kevin Robins, “Marxist cultural theory: the Althusserian smokescreen” in Simon Clarke et al., One-dimensional Marxism. Althusser and the politics of culture (London and New York: Allison and Busby, 1980) pp. 157–231.

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  15. Terry Eagleton, The function of criticism. From ‘The Spectator’ to post-structuralism (London: Verso, 1984) p. 109.

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  16. Terry Eagleton, Literary theory. An introduction (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983).

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  17. Francis Mulhern, The moment of ‘Scrutiny’ (London: Verso, 1979)

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  18. Peter Widdowson (ed.) Re-reading English (London and New York: Methuen, 1982)

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  19. Raymond Williams, “Cambridge English past and present” and “Beyond Cambridge English” in Writing in society (London: Verso, 1984) pp. 177–191.

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  20. Raymond Williams, “Cambridge English past and present” and “Beyond Cambridge English” in Writing in society (London: Verso, 1984) pp. 212–228.

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  21. Jonathan Rée, “The anti-Althusser bandwagon”, Radical Science Journal, 11, pp. 81–100, (1980–81), reviewing Clarke, n. 9 above.

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  22. For an example of recent work combining cultural studies and social history see John Seed, “Unitarianism, political economy and the antinomies of liberal culture in Manchester, 1830–50”, Social History, 7, pp. 1–25 (1982).

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  23. Cf. Gareth Stedman Jones, “Utopian socialism reconsidered” in Raphael Samuel (ed.), People’s history and socialist theory (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1981): “A reconsideration of ‘utopian socialism’ involves the removal of the teleological and reductionist presupposition that characterised Engels’s approach. Rather than pick out certain elements of interest to a later quite different theorisation of socialism.... an attempt should be made to re-establish the integrity of ‘socialist’ discourse in its initial phase” (p. 138). See also the same author’s “Re-thinking Chartism” in Languages of class. Studies in English working class history 1832–1982 (Cambridge: University Press, 1983) pp. 90–178. As a contemporary analogy with Criticism and ideology I am thinking especially of the vogue for the concept of “social control” amongst social historians and educationalists in the 1970s.

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  24. Two important examples are A. P. Donajgrodzki (ed.), Social control in nineteenth-century Britain (London: Croom Helm, 1977)

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  25. Michael F. D. Young (ed.) Knowledge and control: new directions for the sociology of education (London: Collier-Macmillan, 1971). For the use of “social control” by the strong programme see n. 26 below.

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  26. Cf. Criticism and ideology, pp. 104—107 on Mathew Arnold, p. 130 on Dickens compared with George Eliot. It should be noted that in his “Towards a science of the text” chapter Eagleton specifically discounts any directly reflective relationship between textual and ideological structures. He writes of the inter-relationship in terms of “a ceaseless reciprocal operation of text on ideology and ideology on text…. The structure of the text is then the product of this process, not the reflection of its ideological environs.” This structure is “a particular ‘ideology of the text’, reducible to rather ‘general’ or ‘authorial’ ideologies” (Ibid., p. 99). My main concern, however, is less with the highly stimulating use by Eagleton of the theoretical work of Pierre Macherey (A theory of literary production, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), on internal dissonances and encodings within texts, or with his more recent acknowledgement of the uses of Michel Foucault’s discourse theories as a means for “the reinvention of rhetoric” Terry Eagleton, Literary theory. An introduction (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983) (Eagleton, n. 11 above, pp. 205–10), than with the history of Eagleton’s discursive space at a particular stage in its history; above all, with the use made by liberal humanists of images of the organic at that particular conjuncture.

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  27. This essentially involves filling out some of the fine details of the problematic in the way that Sally Shuttleworth has already done for George Eliot Sally Shuttleworth, George Eliot and nineteenth-century science. The make-believe of a beginning (Cambridge: University Press) 1984. (Shuttleworth, n.6 above).

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  28. Eagleton, n.10 above, pp. 64. For the concept of the public sphere as applied to eighteenth-century England see ibid., pp. 12–30.

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  29. See n.3 above and also, for example, Barry Barnes and Steven Shapin, Natural order: historical studies of scientific culture, Beverley Hills and London: Sage Publications, 1979.

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  30. Like Terry Eagleton, proponents of the strong programme have denied that their approach involves hyper-reflexivity of social interest. On this especially see Barry Barnes, T. S. Kuhn and social science, London: MacMillan, 1982, esp. p. 101.

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  31. Barry Barnes, T. S. Kuhn and social science, London: MacMillan, 1982, esp. p. 102–107.

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  32. See also, however, the following: Steven Yearley, “The relationship between epistemological and sociological cognitive interests: some ambiguities underlying the use of interest theory in the study of scientific knowledge”, Studies in the history of philosophy of science, 13, pp. 357–361 (1982)

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  33. Steven Yearley, “The relationship between epistemological and sociological cognitive interests: some ambiguities underlying the use of interest theory in the study of scientific knowledge”, Studies in the history of philosophy of science, 13, pp. 377 (1982)

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  34. Hilary Rose, “Hyper-reflexivity: a new danger for the counter-movements” in Helga Nowotny and Hilary Rose (eds.), Counter-movements in the sciences: the sociology of the alternatives to big science (Dordrecht, Boston and London, Reidel, 1979) pp. 277–289.

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  35. An overview of the debate is provided by Donald MacKenzie, “Notes on the science and social relations debate”, Capital and class, 14, pp. 46–60 (1981).

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  36. Barry Barnes, “On the conventional character of knowledge and cognition” in Karin D. Knorr-Cetina and Michael Mulkay (eds.), Science observed. Perspectives on the social study of science (Beverly Hills and London: Sage Publications, 1983) p. 47.

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  37. Barry Barnes, Scientific knowledge and sociological theory (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1974) Barry Barnes (1974) in n.3 above, pp. 18–19.

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  38. Cf. David Bloor, “Wittgenstein and Mannheim on the sociology of mathematics”, Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science, 4, pp. (1973)David Bloor (1973) in n.3. above, pp. 173–175.

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  39. See also Barry Barnes and Donald Mackenzie, “On the role of interests in scientific change”, in R. Wallis (ed.), On the margins of science: the social construction of rejected knowledge (Keele: University of Keele, 1979) pp. 49–66. A primary theoretical resource of the strong programme is the work of Mary Douglas, most particularly Implicit meanings: essays in anthropology (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul 1975): “Apprehending a general pattern of what is right and necessary in social relations”: this apprehension generates whatever a priori or set of necessary causes is going to be found in nature” (p. 281),

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  40. cited Brian Wynne, “Physics and psychics: science, symbolic action and social control in late Victorian England” in Barry Barnes and Steven Shapin, Natural order: historical studies of scientific culture, Beverley Hills and London: Sage Publications, 1979 Barnes and Shapin, n.15, above, p. 168.

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  41. Barnes (1977), n.3 above, p. 5.

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  42. Ibid.

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  43. Bloor (1973), n.3 above, p. 174.

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  44. Ibid., p. 175

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  45. citing Karl Mannheim, Ideology and utopia (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1936) p. 240, n.5.

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  46. Karl Mannheim, “Conservative thought” in Essays on sociology and social psychology (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1953) p. 80. Cf. Anthony Quinton on the “three comparatively specific conservative principles that follow from the thesis of man’s intellectual imperfection” characteristic of British conservative thought: “traditionalism, organicism and political scepticism”. Of these, organicism, “takes a society to be a unitary, natural growth, an organized, living whole, not a mechanical aggregate”. (The politics of imperfection: the religious and secular traditions of conservative thought in England from Hooker to Oakeshott, London: Faber and Faber, 1978, pp. 16–17.) For an extended application of organicism as conservatism see

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  47. William Coleman, “Bateson and Chromosomes: conservative thought in science’’, Centaurus, 15, pp. 228–314 (1970)

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  48. together with the recent critique of Coleman in A. G. Cock, “William Bateson’s rejection and eventual acceptance of chromosome theory”, Annals of Science, 40, pp. 19–59 (1983).

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  49. Bloor (1976), n.3 above, p. 59.

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  50. Barnes (1977), n.3 above, pp. 60.

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  51. Barnes (1977), n.3 above, pp. 62.

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  52. Brian Wynne, “Physics and psychics: science, symbolic action and social control in late Victorian England” in Barry Barnes and Steven Shapin, Natural order: historical studies of scientific culture, Beverley Hills and London: Sage Publications, 1979. Barnes and Shapin, n.15 above, p. 169.

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  53. ibid., p. 172.

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  54. Brian Wynne, “Physics and psychics: science, symbolic action and social control in late Victorian England” in Barry Barnes and Steven Shapin, Natural order: historical studies of scientific culture, Beverley Hills and London: Sage Publications, 1979 Ibid., pp. 175–6. Oliver Lodge cited, ibid., p. 172.

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  55. Brian Wynne, “Physics and psychics: science, symbolic action and social control in late Victorian England” in Barry Barnes and Steven Shapin, Natural order: historical studies of scientific culture, Beverley Hills and London: Sage Publications, 1979 Ibid., pp. 180. Oliver Lodge cited, ibid., p. 172.

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  56. For scientific naturalism see L. S. Jacyna, “Scientific naturalism in Victorian Britain: an essay in the social history of ideas”, Unpublished Edinburgh University Ph.D. thesis, 1980.

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  57. L. S. Jacyna, “Science and social order in the thought of A. J. Balfour”, Isis, 71, p. 22 (1980).

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  58. Ibid., p. 15; Michael Oakeshott, title essay in Rationalism in politics (London: Met-huen, 1962).

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  59. David Bloor, “Durkheim and Mauss revisited: classification and the sociology of knowledge”, Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science, 13, p. 283 (1982).

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  60. Eagleton, n.2 above, p. 111

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  61. Jacyna, n.28 above, p. 20

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  62. Wynne, n.26 above, pp. 175–6.

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  63. Keith Tribe, “On the production and structuring of scientific knowledges”, Economy and Society, 2, pp. 465–478 (1973), and “Afterthoughts on Kuhn”, Economy and Society, 11, pp. 86–7 (1982).

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  64. Cf. Keith Tribe, Land, labour and economic discourse (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978) p. 133

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  65. Steven Yearley, “The relationship between epistemological and sociological cognitive interests: some ambiguities underlying the use of interest theory in the study of scientific knowledge”, Studies in the history of philosophy of science, 13, (1982) Steven Yearley, n.16 above, p. 377.

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  66. Roger Chartier, “Intellectual history or sociocultural history? The French trajectories” in Dominick La Capra and Steven L. Kaplan (eds.), Modern European intellectual history. Reappraisals and new perspectives (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1982) pp. 43–44.

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  67. Keith Tribe, Land, labour and economic discourse (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978) Cf. Tribe, n.33 above, p. 23: Specific discursive conditions are required for these terms to flow freely together in the manner so often taken for granted in the writing of a history. Tribe is referring to Georges Canguilhem’s “exemplary discursive history” wherein the structure within which concepts and explanations are formed is foregrounded “without at any point it being necessary to construct a unity or assess the forms of explanation according to some externally derived philosophical source” (p. 22).

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  68. Michel Foucault, The archaelogy of knowledge (London: Tavistock Publications, 1972) p. 183.

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  69. See also Foucault’s The order of things. An archaelogy of the human sciences (London: Tavistock Publications, 1970) and The history of sexuality, Volume I: an introduction (London: Allen Lane, 1979).

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  70. Barry Barnes and Steven Shapin, Natural order: historical studies of scientific culture, Beverley Hills and London: Sage Publications, 1979 Barry Barnes, n.16 above, p. 24; Gillian Beer, “The language of discovery”. Times Literary Supplement, p. 1255 (2 November 1984).

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  71. For an extended account of the surplus potential of words and their concomittant duplicity see Jacques Derrida, The archaelogy of the frivolous: reading Condillac (Pittsburgh: Duquesne University Press, 1980).

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  72. Eagleton, n.2 above, pp. 112

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  73. Terry Eagleton, Criticism and ideology. A study in Marxist literary theory, London: Verso, 1976 117

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  74. Terry Eagleton, Criticism and ideology. A study in Marxist literary theory, London: Verso, 1976 119. On textual ideology see ibid., Chapter 3 (“Towards a science of the text”), pp. 64–101, esp. pp. 98–101. See also Eagleton’s reply to Francis Mulhern’s criticisms, New Left Review, 92, p. 108 (1975).

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  75. Eagleton, n.2 above, p. 122. On authorial ideology see ibid., chapter 2 (“Categories for a materialist criticism”), pp. 44–63, esp. pp. 58–60. For the concepts of displacement and determining absences see Eagleton on Pierre Macherey, ibid., pp. 89–96.

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  76. Ibid., p. 112.

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  77. See Hayden White, Metahistory. The historical imagination in nineteenth-century Europe (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press) 1973.

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  78. Shuttleworth, n.6 above, pp. X–XI.

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  79. Cf. Ibid., p. XII The methods of natural history are replaced by those of experimental physiology. No longer a passive observer but now an active participant, George Eliot actively creates the experiment of her novel. (Ibid. p. XII)

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  80. On Claude Bernard see P. Q. Hirst, “Claud Bernard’s epistemology”, Economy and Society, 2, pp. 431–464 (1973).

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  81. Ibid., p. XII. See also the essays by Ritterbush and Wimsatt in n.l above.

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  82. Shuttleworth, n.6 above, pp. 204–205

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  83. Sally Shuttleworth, George Eliot and nineteenth-century science. The make-believe of a beginning (Cambridge: University Press) 1984. esp. p. 204:

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  84. The dynamic model of the organism to which she eventually turned.... disturbed the delicate balance between holism and individualism which the organic metaphor had originally sustained in social ideology. See also P. Q. Hirst, “Claud Bernard’s epistemology”, Economy and Society, 2, pp. 431–464 (1973).Hirst, n.42 above.

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  85. Cf. Gillian Beer, Darwin’s plots. Evolutionary narrative in Darwin, George Eliot and nineteenth century fiction (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul) 1983, pp. 181–209.

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  86. Shuttleworth, n.6 above, p. xiii.

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  88. L. S. Jacyna, “Science and social order in the thought of A. J. Balfour”, Isis, 71, p. 22 (1980). Jacyna, n.28 above.

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  89. But cf. J. R. Durant, “Scientific naturalism and social reform in the thought of Alfred Russel Wallace”, British Journal for the History of Science, 12, pp. 31–58 (1979).

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  90. Peter Clarke, Liberals and social democrats (Cambridge: University 1978)

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  93. See also Melvin Richter, The politics of conscience: T. H. Green and his age (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1964);

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  107. Raymond Williams, Culture (London: Fontana Paperbacks) 1981, p. 80. Williams is referring here to “Bloomsbury”, the second generation of the cultural formation with which I am concerned:The professional and administrative sectors of the new dominant social class (itself a fusion of the high bourgeoisie and the landed aristocracy) had become increasingly important in the new social order of liberal imperialist England: indeed the educational system had been reformed, at its highest levels, primarily for their production. The cultural interests of this general sector, defined by specific kinds of educational achievement, can be clearly distinguished from those of the directly industrial and commercial sectors of the same dominant class. Thus they are a fraction of the ruling class in the sense both that they belong to it, directly serving the dominant social order, and that they are a constant division of it, defined by the values of a specific higher education.”(pp. 79–80)

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  108. For a more detailed study of Bloomsbury by Raymond Williams see “The Bloomsbury fraction” in his Problems in materialism and culture (London: Verso) 1980, pp. 148–169.

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  110. The genesis and the social history of the intellectual culture of the period from the 1860s to the 1890s has been dealt with by Noel Annan, “The intellectual aristocracy” in J. H. Plumb (ed.), Studies in social history (London: Longmans, 1955), pp. 21–43. Annan, n.53 above

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  121. Cf. G. H. Lewes: “All the complex organisms are evolved from organisms less complex, as these were evolved from simpler forms; the link which unites all organisms is not always the common bond of heritage, but the uniformity of organic laws acting under uniform conditions.” [“Mr. Darwin’s hypotheses]”, Fortnightly Review, n.s.3, p. 373 (1868).]

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  122. See also E. R. Lankester, Degeneration: a Chapter in Darwinism (London: Macmillan, 1880) pp. 28–29.

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  123. Darwin himself refers to “The complex and little known laws governing variation”, The origin of species (London: John Murray, 1859; Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1968) p. 445.

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  124. For the concept of complexity in the German Naturphilosophie tradition see J. E. Chamberlin, “An anatomy of cultural melancholy”, Journal of the History of Ideas, 42, p. 695 (1981), and Philip C. Ritterbush, n.l above.

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  126. and in relation to Darwin and the inter-related Victorian concepts of complexity and transformation see Gillian Beer, Darwin’s plots. Evolutionary narrative in Darwin, George Eliot and nineteenth century fiction (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul) 1983, pp. 181–209.Beer, n.45 above, pp. 139–141.

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  130. Ren., p. 237; Henry Sidgwick, “The poems and prose remains of Arthur Hugh Clough”, in E. M. and A. Sidgwick (eds.), Henry Sidgwick. Miscellaneous essays and addresses (London: MacMillan, 1904) pp. 69

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McGeachie, J. (1987). Organicism, Culture and Ideology in Late Victorian Britain: The Uses of Complexity. In: Burwick, F. (eds) Approaches to Organic Form. Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science, vol 105. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-3917-2_8

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