Abstract
In this final chapter, a mediated posthumanist perspective that incorporates each of the important aspects of various approaches that have been discussed – the non-humanist basis of radical and methodological posthumanism, the schizoanlaytic framework developed by Deleuze and Guattari, and the Foucauldian approach to ethical subject-constitution – is used in an examination of new genetic technologies.
First the “geneticization” thesis is discussed and critiqued within a schizoanlaytic reading. Here the paranoid tendency of genetic determinism and essentialism is always accompanied or contested by schizophrenic narratives of genomic complexity and a novel ontology of flatness. As with the example of ARTs and the category of nature, new categories of “life” and “selfhood” emerge, and we are once more confronted with the paradox of emerging biotechnologies: that biology is both given and given to control.
Secondly, we also encounter the emergence of a new mode of subjectivity – genetically responsible selfhood, which implies that individuals are increasingly defining themselves in terms of genetics but that this “geneticization” is not deterministic, since it is often seen as a resource that can be used to shape one’s life in accordance with personal hopes and values. It is argued that this mode of subjectivity is best understood in light of the notion of technological mediation and Foucault’s work on ethical subject constitution, or the understanding that subjects can actively relate to and help shape the mediations that constitute them as subjects. More than any other posthumanist approach, mediated posthumanism succeeds best in capturing this new mode of selfhood.
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Notes
- 1.
By 2004, this number was again reduced to 20,000–25,000 (Collins 2004).
- 2.
For a detailed account of the use of metaphors of information that made possible the prevalent notion that DNA is the “code” of life, see Lily E. Kay’s Who Wrote the Book of Life (2000). Kay analyzes the production of the “information discourse” in molecular biology, and the discursive shift which led to the equation of organisms and molecules with information storage and retrieval systems, and heredity with information transfer. See also Susan Oyama’s The Ontogeny of Information (2000b) for a critique of this process.
- 3.
For Frederic Jameson (1984) for example, postmodernism signals above all the abandonment of theoretical models of depth and the flattening of spaces into surfaces.
- 4.
Behavioral genetics is based on the study of twins (and adopted children). Ideally, these studies are carried out on identical twins who have been reared apart, i.e., who share the same genotype but different environments. The assumption is that in such cases, differences in personality or behavior can be attributed to environment. Thomas Bouchard’s work at the University of Minnesota is perhaps the most well known example of such research (See Bouchard et al. 1990).
- 5.
The controversy surrounding the genetic basis of intelligence goes far beyond the science of course. See for example the debates concerning the The Bell Curve (1994).
- 6.
The original finding, published in 2003 (Caspi et al. 2003), followed 847 people from birth to age 26 and found that those most likely to sink into depression after a stressful event had a particular variant of a gene involved in the regulation of serotonin. Those in the study with another variant were significantly more resilient. But since then, researchers have been unable to replicate the results on all occasions and in a new study (Risch et al. 2009), the authors reanalyzed the data and found no evidence for the association between a serotonin gene and the risk of depression, no matter what people’s life experience was.
- 7.
The American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders is often a target of these critiques. Some of the controversial categories of the current, fifth edition (which contains three times as many disorders and is seven times longer than the first 1952 edition) include “caffeine intoxication disorder”, “mathematics disorder” and “sibling relational problem”.
- 8.
Rose (2007) argues that the visual image analyzed by the trained eye of the physician lost its priority with Kraepelin and Freud, in whose collected works one cannot find a single picture of a patient.
- 9.
Indeed, Prozac gained its iconic status as a “smart drug” or a “clean drug”, not because it treated depression better than first generation anti-depressants, but because, unlike previous antidepressants which affected three neurotransmitters at once, it concentrates solely on serotonin, thus purportedly preventing a number of side effects.
- 10.
Foucault proposed the concept of biopolitics in the first volume of The History of Sexuality (1979) to designate the expansion, beginning in the eighteenth century, of politics to the management of life in the name of the well-being of the population as a vital order and of each of its living subjects. Biopolitics, he argued, focuses on two poles or realms of intervention: the anatamo-politics of the human body, which seeks to maximize each individuals’ labor force and integrate it into efficient systems, and the biopolitics of the population, which focuses on the collective well-being of the general population. Specific problems that became the focus of biopolitics were the size and quality of the population, reproduction, sexuality, health and death.
Interestingly, one finds an increasing use of Foucault’s term in scientific literature and journalistic texts today in regards to emerging biotechnologies. But in this current use the term is often stripped of much of its historical and critical dimension and refers merely to the social and political implications of biotechnological interventions. See, for example, the liberal posthumanist Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies (IEET) website http://ieet.org/, which I have referred to several times, where “biopolitics” has become quite a meaningless buzz word.
- 11.
In the US, the Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act was signed into law by President Bush in 2008, but it does not prevent life insurance or disability insurance companies from using genetic information.
- 12.
Camilla Griggers (1997) thus notes that Peter Kramer barely stops to question to what extent Tess’s “social style” is a common expression of many women who have experienced abuse in childhood – an important aspect of Tess’s biography that he does not care to linger on other than a short sentence in the opening of Tess’s case study (Kramer 1993: 1).
- 13.
Kleinman (1988) and Parens (1998) have argued for example that the success of antidepressant therapies lies in its ability to boost conformity and compliance to advanced capitalist values. This is a point that even Kramer, who is generally seen as supporting the use of Prozac, raises in his book:
Prozac highlights our culture’s preference for certain personality types. Vivacious women’s attractiveness to men, the contemporary scorn of fastidiousness, men’s discomfort with anhedonia [the loss of the capacity to experience pleasure] in women, the business advantage conferred by mental quickness – all these examples point to a consistent social prejudice. (1993: 192)
- 14.
Ulrich Beck’s Risk Society (1992) is usually upheld as the founding work in risk discourse. Beck’s thesis is that one can discern a break after the Second World War which marked a new configuration of social groups and their interests not around the organizing principle of industrial production, but around the risks, namely environmental, generated by industrial production. A little before the publication of Beck’s book, the French sociologist Robert Castel (1981) also claimed that changes in the concept of risk were indicating the dissolution of modernist society. For Castel trends in the biosciences were particularly relevant to this transformation, notably, a new focus on preventive care and the management of populations at risk and an emphasis on individual work on oneself. Rabinow, Rose and Lemke use this concept of risk to argue for a “post-disciplinary” society.
- 15.
- 16.
In his work on people affected by muscular dystrophy in France in the 1990s, Rabinow (1999) identified a shift in the ways patients and families relate to their disease, observing that they abandon more traditional models of support for an active and mobilized attitude characterized by a collaboration with researchers (donation of blood samples) and funding of genomic research.
- 17.
Foucault claims:
Writing was also important in the culture of the care of the self. One of the tasks that defines the care of the self is that of taking notes on oneself to be reread, writing treatises and letters to friends to help them, and keeping notebooks in order to reactivate for oneself the truths one needed … Taking care of oneself became linked to constant writing activity. The self is something to write about, a theme or object (subject) of writing activity. (1997b: 232)
- 18.
In the mid-1990s, approximately 90 % of fetuses with Down’s syndrome were aborted in France, the US and the UK. See Mansfield et al. (1999) for an overview.
- 19.
As in the debate around personal responsibility for “lifestyle diseases” like obesity.
- 20.
Sandel (2004: 9) writes:
What, after all, is the moral difference between designing children according to an explicit eugenic purpose and designing children according to the dictates of the market? Whether the aim is to improve humanity’s “germ plasm” or to cater to consumer preferences, both practices are eugenic.
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Sharon, T. (2014). New Modes of Ethical Selfhood: Geneticization and Genetically Responsible Subjectivity. In: Human Nature in an Age of Biotechnology. Philosophy of Engineering and Technology, vol 14. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-7554-1_8
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