Abstract
Facing the various current phenomena of crisis, many people have come to think that politics, including decisions with regard to economy, needs to be based upon morality. Significantly, this opinion implies some kind of separation: As the cultivation of a moral attitude is considered a prerequisite for sound politics, morality itself is assumed to be independent from politics. The intention of the chapter is to challenge this assumption. The first part explains, referring to Kant, that the moral demand to respect everybody as a ‘person’ implies that we must consider the uniqueness of the individual. On this basis it is argued, firstly, that we cannot adequately answer the needs of others unless we learn to listen carefully to the ways in which individual perspectives are being expressed; secondly, that the diversity of individual experiences and expectations cannot be properly voiced unless there exists a legal framework that secures freedom of expression. Consequently, the point is that liberal politics constitutes a prerequisite for a comprehensive implementation of moral guidelines. Explaining this thesis, the chapter refers to contemporary conceptions of ‘world citizenship’ and ‘global democracy’.
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Notes
- 1.
Kant (1964) . (Henceforth cited as gm, p. 96.)
- 2.
For a more thorough analysis of Kant ’s conception of “autonomy” see Nagl-Docekal (2010).
- 3.
For a study focusing on the relevance of Kant ’s conception of “dignity” in the contemporary debate on “human rights” see Tiedemann (2007).
- 4.
For a detailed account of the “duties to oneself,” see Kant (1991a) . (Henceforth cited as mm).
- 5.
The relevance of these considerations for a philosophical theory of feminist politics is discussed in Nagl-Docekal (2004a) .
- 6.
While the term “the rights of man” used in this English translation has a masculine frame, this is not the case with Kant ’s German expression: The term “Rechte der Menschen” is gender neutral. See Kant (1963) .
- 7.
Arendt (1998). (Henceforth cited as ah .)
- 8.
- 9.
Drawing upon Kant ’s “duties of kindness” also allows us to tackle the care versus justice controversy that has been one focus of the debate on feminist ethics. On the basis of the categorical imperative the two approaches that have been considered mutually exclusive – an ethics of care and a universalist concept of morality – prove to be not only reconcilable but rather necessarily intertwined. For a more thorough elaboration on this issue see Nagl-Docekal (1997) .
- 10.
A precise philosophical assessment of paternalism is provided by Gadamer (1982) .
- 11.
In German: “logische Egoisterei.” See Kant (1910–1968).
- 12.
See, for instance, Arendt (1961).
- 13.
Kant (1952) . (Henceforth cited as cj.)
- 14.
See Kant (1983a) . (Henceforth cited as we .)
- 15.
The remaining maxims are: “(1) to think for oneself,” and “(3) always to think consistently” (cj: 152). Kant explains: “We may say: the first of these is the maxim of understanding, the second that of judgement, the third that of reason” (cj: 153).
- 16.
Arendt (1982) . (Henceforth cited as lk .)
- 17.
Seyla Benhabib observes that in Arendt ’s reading of Kant , “judging becomes a […] capacity for presenting to oneself the perspectivality of the world, of taking cognizance of the many points of view through which a matter must be seen and evaluated.” See Benhabib (1996) .
- 18.
See Habermas (1994).
- 19.
Rawls (1971). (Henceforth cited as tj.)
- 20.
For a recent reflection on this matter see Pogge (2010).
- 21.
Unfortunately, this way of reading Kant has predominated with authors advocating the approaches of Transcendental Pragmatics and Communicative Action.
- 22.
Kant (1998b) . (Henceforth cited as rr.)
- 23.
- 24.
A more detailed explanation of this difference is provided in Nagl-Docekal (2004b) . (Henceforth cited as ru.)
- 25.
Kant (1983c) . (Henceforth cited as pp .)
- 26.
A recent debate has raised doubts whether the two core concepts of political theory – freedom and equality – can be brought into a balanced relation. But this debate was based upon a more specific reading of the two concepts and did, therefore, not concern Kant ’s formal understanding – and his mode of linking – them. For an overview see Pauer-Studer and Nagl-Docekal (2003).
- 27.
Guyer (2004) . Guyer also points out that Rawls ’s conception of the social contract is clearly more restricted than Kant ’s.
- 28.
See Habermas (1996). (Henceforth cited as fn.)
- 29.
See Habermas (1984) .
- 30.
Wingert (2002) . (“Reasons are propositions, stated in using concepts, that seek to reach consent which is based upon comprehension, i.e., consent to that for which the propositions claim to provide the reasons. Justifying reasons are the signposts along the path that we need to take in order to achieve comprehension.” Transl. h. n.-d.)
- 31.
The term “globalization ” is used here in a wide sense which covers relations in a variety of fields, including science and culture. In current everyday language, this term often has a more narrow meaning with a clearly negative ring; in that case it refers to the economic and political dynamic defined by neo-liberal conceptions.
- 32.
Benhabib (2002). (Henceforth cited as cc .)
- 33.
Pogge (2002). (Henceforth cited as wp.) Pogge refers here, i.e., to the arguments developed in Singer (1972) . Pogge insists that all our obligations to help and support distant strangers can be derived from the concept of ‘negative’ duties. There is, however, no need for such a theoretical restriction since, as pointed out in this chapter, the concept of (wide) ‘duties of kindness,’ as introduced by Kant , is well argued. In her critical assessment of both Singer ’s and Pogge ’s approaches Bleisch also draws upon Kant ’s ‘duties of kindness.’ See Bleisch (2010).
- 34.
- 35.
See, for instance, the data provided in wp. For a specific focus on the deterioration of the situation of women in the global South see Jaggar (2002).
- 36.
For a careful analysis of Kant ’s conception from a contemporary point of view see Rademacher (2010).
- 37.
Kant (1991b) . (This edition is used here because the translation of Kant ’s Perpetual Peace from which the other quotations are taken does not contain this sentence.)
- 38.
For a lucid comment see Brandt (1995) .
- 39.
See, for instance, the account provided in Jaggar (2003).
- 40.
- 41.
Held (1995). (Henceforth cited as dg.)
- 42.
Benhabib (2004); see also cc.
- 43.
See the chapter “On Duties to Oneself as Such” (mm: 214–242).
- 44.
For details on the differences between – and the parallel structures of – the “political” and the “ethical” state in Kant , see ru.
- 45.
Earlier versions of this chapter were read at the University of Riga, Latvia (May 7, 2010), and at the 29th Annual Conference of the International Association for Philosophy and Literature (iapl) in Helsinki, Finland (June 7, 2005). I am much obliged for the comments made in the dicussions following these presentations.
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Nagl-Docekal, H. (2014). Learning to Listen or Why Morality Calls for Liberal Politics. In: Fløistad, G. (eds) Ethics or Moral Philosophy. Contemporary Philosophy: A New Survey, vol 11. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6895-6_9
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