Abstract
This chapter utilizes the accounts of fundamental interests, basic rights and free rational agency from the previous chapters to arrive at a republican principle of social justice, which claims that a just society is a society in which every person enjoys the conditions to realize her fundamental interests and exercise her agency freely and autonomously. Further, it is argued that defining social justice in this way prescribes a sufficientarian distribution of goods and capabilities, namely one in which the conditions of non-domination and non-alienation are fulfilled. Instead of focusing on an outcome of substantial equality with respect to a (set of) good(s) X, then, the principle of justice presented here concentrates on instances of relative deprivation and the nature of social relationships, aiming to protect each and every person from the agency-hampering effects of misrecognition, deprivation and alienation. In order to index instances of social disadvantage the chapter uses Sen’s capability theory and defends this choice against other possible currencies of justice.
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Notes
- 1.
The debate on the proper currency of justice is a complex and difficult one. For different accounts see Daniels (1990), Dworkin (1981a, b), Cohen (1989, 1993), Sen (1979, 1987, 1990, 1993, 1999), Rawls (1971, 1999f), Nussbaum (2000, 2006b; Nussbaum and Sen 1993), as well as Arneson (2000c) and Kaufman (2006a).
- 2.
See the interesting exchange of Cohen and Dworkin in Burley (2004).
- 3.
As most readers will probably know, Rawls’s justification for the primary social goods changed in his later work from a rationality argument to the idea that the primary social goods are things needed by citizens as free and equal persons to live a complete life.
- 4.
In his earlier writings Rawls (1999a, especially Chap. 10) actually stresses the importance of mutual recognition and reciprocity, in order to develop his idea of a duty of fair play. However, Rawls ultimately falls back onto a reading of rational agency as being cooperative and having a rational plan of life, rather than being a socially recognized reason-giver in the shared space of reasons.
- 5.
Throughout this chapter, I will focus on Sen’s theory of capabilities since its scope and aim seems to fit much better with my own republican/Hegelian theory than Nussbaum’s capability theory.
- 6.
- 7.
Considering that what I am interested in is a theory of global justice of course the question arises of whether global justice actually prescribes that if free internet access is a legal right in one country it also ought to become a legal right in other countries. While I will return to the issue of global justice in Chap. 6, let me already point out that arguing for a society-relative index of social disadvantage does not imply that disadvantage cannot be assessed across societies and borders.
- 8.
- 9.
Harry Frankfurt (1987) is often credited for being the first to defend sufficientarian principles. Alas, Frankfurt’s arguments are partially weak, as Frankfurt actually oscillates between rejecting (strict) egalitarian thinking and using it as a useful supplement to sufficientarianism, a fact which has led to the impression that sufficientariansim on its own is insufficient.
- 10.
Prioritarianism in its simplest form holds that priority should be given to the worse-off. Strict prioritarianism defends the priority of the worst-off even if it negatively affects others, while a qualified prioritarianism (also called weighted prioritarianism) asserts that ‘benefiting people matters more the worse off those people are, the more of those people there are, and the greater the benefits in question’ (Crisp 2003, p. 752).
- 11.
Robert Huseby (2010, p. 187) discusses this point in more depth.
- 12.
I will return to this point in one of the following sections.
- 13.
A similar criticism concerning Crisp’s view can be found in Benbaji (2006, pp. 337–338).
- 14.
A detailed defence of the global scope of justice can be found in Chap. 6.
- 15.
For the remainder of this section I will use the term welfare equality, or welfare egalitarianism, whereby it should be clear that the outcome of such policies is not necessarily strict welfare equality, but rather a kind of quasi-egalitarian distribution of welfare.
- 16.
Pettit and Braithwaite (1990) present a similar argument with respect to non-domination, imprisonment and a person’s agency-freedom.
- 17.
The remainder of this section will deal with work in so-called Western advanced capitalist societies. All my statements and observations refer to this particular frame and setting. However, I would like to note that the issue of exploitation in developing countries, for instance through sweatshop labour, is an issue my republican account also can address, since it is able to deconstruct standard pro-sweatshop arguments such as that the workers chose to work in these conditions voluntarily, or that without such work their life would be even worse. On my account what matters is that the workers in the developing world stand in equal social relations and can realize their fundamental interests, two conditions which both clearly seem to be violated by existing practices.
- 18.
For an excellent discussion of education and its role in a republican society which promotes freedom as non-domination see Laborde (2006, 2008). Highly interesting discussions concerning the role of education in a free society can also be found in feminist and multiculturalist writings, such as Gutman (1987) and MacMullen (2007). Moreover, this point also relates back to the difficulty of finding the balance between pluralism, toleration, freedom and democracy (Castiglione and McKinnon 2003).
- 19.
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Schuppert, F. (2014). Capabilities, Freedom and Sufficiency. In: Freedom, Recognition and Non-Domination. Studies in Global Justice, vol 12. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6806-2_4
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