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From “Khadema” to “Zemegria”: Morocco as a “Migration Hub” for the EU

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Part of the book series: International Perspectives on Migration ((IPMI,volume 5))

Abstract

The converging processes of globalization, political and economic integration in the region (in the form of the EU specifically) and growing securitization in the region have created significant change in Moroccan migration over recent decades. First, with the growth in export processing and growing numbers of free trade agreements reaching new heights over the last decade, the considerable expansion of export processing (predominantly for EU markets) in the Northern regions of Morocco (most notably the port city of Tangier) has drawn internal migrants from Morocco and beyond, seeking employment in one of the many under-regulated textile, electronics, and automotive factories. Second, in recent years Morocco has become an important gateway to Europe (primarily through Southern European member states). While Moroccan emigration is not itself a new phenomenon – for example, Morocco has had longstanding bilateral migration agreements with many European states, including Spain, France, and Italy – Morocco’s contemporary migration management terrain has changed considerably. Third, as the country has responded to growing immigration (as both a destination and a transit country), there has been mounting pressures from the EU to control their borders in the face of growing emigration from Africa. The result of these processes has been the emergence of a multi-tiered and messy migration management system made up of national, bilateral, regional, and international policies, conventions and agreements involving administration by numerous government departments and agencies, as well as numerous intrastate and non-state governing bodies and actors. Caught somewhere in the middle – are the migrants, whose rights (both as migrants and as workers) are neglected. Ironically, this myriad of migration and security policies, and the expansion of export processing in Morocco, were in part intended to reduce migration through increased employment opportunities, stay-at-home development, and tightened borders. Yet, this messy migration management system, coupled the global export processing zone with under-protected workers, poor wages and job security, and escalating securitization, has actually served to create the conditions that encourage migration (particularly irregular migration), rather than curb it.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For example, Ministry of the Interior; Ministry of Labour; Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation; Ministry of Justice; Delegated Ministry in Charge of Moroccans Residing Abroad (MRE); the Council of the Moroccan Community Residing Abroad (CCME); The Advisory Council on Human Rights.

  2. 2.

    e.g. CENSAD (Community of Sahel-Saharan countries), the Arab Maghreb Union and the League of Arab States; International Organization for Migration (IOM), UNHCR, etc.

  3. 3.

    As part of a comparative research project that has been researching migration and labour relations in the export processing regions of Mexico and Morocco. The project is lead by K. Kopinak and funded by the University of California Institute for Mexico and the United States, the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada, and the Ministerio de Innovación y Tecnología in Spain. Data have been collected between 2010 and 2012, including qualitative interviews with employees of Moroccan export industries in Tangiers and Tetuan, as well as some knowledgeable officials in business and transportation. Ongoing research involves interviews with former Moroccan export employees who have migrated in Spain, as well as a quantitative survey of Moroccan migrants in Spain.

  4. 4.

    There is debate about the term “Export Processing Zone” or “EPZ” and what specifically qualifies as an EPZ versus Export Free Zones, Industrial Development Zones, or Free Trade Zones .This chapter does not explore the differentiation of these concepts since it is beyond its scope, and therefore refers throughout the paper to “export processing area(s)” which cover all types of these zones.

  5. 5.

    For more information on what constitutes a culture of migration, see Massey et al. (1998); Kandel (2002); King (1991).

  6. 6.

    The term “migration industry” is used to refer to the myriad of businesses (legitimate and otherwise) as well as non-governmental and non-profit groups that provide services or goods to migrants in relation to migration. For more information on the concept of the migration industry please see: Castles and Miller (2003); Hennebry (2008); Martin (2005).

  7. 7.

    See Vertovec (2007) for a detailed discussion of the growing superdiversity in migration channels, statuses and flows.

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Correspondence to Jenna Hennebry .

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Hennebry, J., Kopinak, K., Miras, R.M.S., Requena, A.T., Hondagneu-Sotelo, P. (2014). From “Khadema” to “Zemegria”: Morocco as a “Migration Hub” for the EU. In: Walton-Roberts, M., Hennebry, J. (eds) Territoriality and Migration in the E.U. Neighbourhood. International Perspectives on Migration, vol 5. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6745-4_5

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