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The Development of Projectile Weapons: Ancient Catapults

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Part of the book series: Research Ethics Forum ((REFF,volume 1))

Abstract

One of the first projectile weapons was the sling; there is evidence of slings dating from about 10,000 BCE. The sling is a very basic weapon, consisting of a piece of cloth or hide to which two unequal strings are attached. A small shot is placed in the sling, which is then whirled about the head and one of the strings released in the direction of the target. An important innovation occurred at about 6,000 BCE, when it was found that conical shot was more accurate than round shot, and the first manufactured ammunition was made from baked clay from 5,000 BCE. The sling was a dangerous weapon; Alexander himself was only saved from death by his helmet when hit on the head by a slingshot during the siege of Kyropolis in 329 BCE. The bow and arrow is even older than the sling, with cave paintings of bows dating back to the Palaeolithic (Rihill 2007: 13). Composite bows, made of wood, sinew and horn, smaller and more powerful than the ‘self-bow’ constructed from a single piece of wood, appeared in the fourth millennium BCE. I resist the temptation to date the beginnings of weapons research with reference to any of these innovations regarding the bow or the sling – I expect some case could be made if only the evidence was available, but the precise date at which weapons research began is not something that needs to be established here. However, when the sling and bow evolved into the catapult, and especially with the advent of torsion artillery, it is clear that weapons research had arrived. In this chapter I will say something about catapult technology in order to show that weapons research has been around for a long time. The development of this technology will also help us understand just what weapons research is. Moreover, there are four remarkable treatises on the catapult written between the third century BCE and the first century CE by Philon, Biton, Heron and Vitruvius which amount to the first weapons design manuals. To conclude, I will outline the evolution view of technology, and illustrate it with reference to the catapult. To set the scene I recount one of the best-known episodes in the ancient world of military technology skilfully deployed to thwart a powerful enemy.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Rihill (2007: 2). Tracey Rihill’s book on the catapult is the first major text to appear on the subject since A. E. Marsden’s definitive works, Marsden (1969, 1971). I draw extensively on both Marsden and Rihill in this chapter. Both of these authors rely on the four manuals or treatises of Philon et al. Rihill, writing after Marsden, uses a greater variety of other sources. Nossov (2005) has lots of diagrams, see especially the 46 plates in the middle of his book.

  2. 2.

    A note on terminology: our word “catapult” is derived from the Latin catapulta which strictly speaking meant and arrow or bolt throwing, i.e. a ‘sharps throwing’, engine, while ballista referred to heavier machines largely designed for shot throwing. I will follow common practice here and use “catapult” to refer to all mechanical devices designed to cast sharps or throw stones.

  3. 3.

    I assume the reader has some familiarity with Archimedes. He is best known for the principle about the upthrust on a body immersed in a fluid, which is named after him, and for running naked down the street, having exclaimed “eureka!”. However, his organisation of the defence of Syracuse was a major achievement, as were many other local practical works that he carried out.

  4. 4.

    These are reproduced, with commentary, in Marsden (1971).

  5. 5.

    This is essentially the explanation offered by the Greek historian Diodorus Siculus, who wrote “Artillery was discovered at the time in Syracuse, a natural consequence of the assembly in one place of the most skilful craftsmen from all over the world”, quoted in Marsden 1969: 49. In the chapter in which this is passage is given, Marsden considers the evidence that the catapult was discovered earlier and rejects it, and also rejects the proposition that the more advanced torsion artillery was invented in Syracuse.

  6. 6.

    Van Creveld, having noted this point, reflects upon the physical and mental qualities of the soldier “Since machines are capable of storing energy, the direct link between the power of the shot and that of the human muscles working them was broken. Their performance was, up to a point at any rate, independent of their operators’ physical condition and also of whether the crew was brave or cowardly, tired or excited.” Van Creveld (1989: 32).

  7. 7.

    Marsden (1969), Chapter 1 has detailed diagrams of gastraphetes, and other early catapults. The gastraphetes usually had a curved end piece instead of the stock familiar, for instance, from the crossbow, so the operator could push on this with his stomach, hence the name, and so use both his hands to work the rachet while resting the end against the ground or a rock and set this against the trigger.

  8. 8.

    Heron, writing in the Belopoeica asserts that the “construction of these engines developed from hand bows”, see Marsden’s translation, Marsden (1971: 21).

  9. 9.

    The winch is a device for magnifying force, and works by the principle of the lever. For instance, for a winch used to wind up rope, say the handle of the winch is turned through a complete circle of diameter 2πl, where l is the length of the handle. Then the length of rope that is wound is 2πr, where r is the radius of the winch. The increment of force gained by using the winch is in proportion to l/r. The same principle applies to using a winch to pull back a bowstring. What is interesting here is that the value of winches was understood by Greek artificers well before there was any theoretical understanding of the principle of the lever.

  10. 10.

    When a technology or an artefact is transmitted from one social group to another by some means, one speaks of diffusion, of the diffusion of the technology or the artefacts that the technology enables. Instances of the spread of weapons technology therefore exemplify this process. In the case of the spread of catapult technology amongst the Greek city states amounted to fairly uniform diffusion, given the uniform nature of the prevailing culture, However, if social group B takes up technology developed by A, and where A and B are markedly dissimilar, then the way in which the technology is taken up and used by B may be very different from its uses by A. This adds to the unpredictable nature of weapons research, in that the take-up of the outcomes of that work, by B for example, cannot always be anticipated by the way it is intended to be used by home country A. For a recent collection of essays on the diffusion of military technology, see Goldman and Eliason (2003) and in particular the essay by Lynn (2003) on the diffusion of gunpowder weapons on the Indian subcontinent.

  11. 11.

    The word “torsion” refers to things that are twisted, and the force, or torque, that is generated is a consequence of the restoration of the ‘natural’ or untwisted state of the material in question. The most familiar everyday use of torsion today is in the mousetrap. Indeed, a mousetrap resembles a miniature onager.

  12. 12.

    The reader may well think that a diagram would have aided comprehension of this innovation and some of the others mentioned in this chapter. I have not included any, because there are many diagrams available, in Marsden, Rihill and Nossov, and of course on the internet.

  13. 13.

    Why did the ancients worry about such precision? Why not just overestimate the amount the mass of the springs needed? The main reason was that the springs had a relatively short lifetime and the machines themselves were not hugely robust, so they were expensive to make. Hence it was not a good idea to invest precious materials and time into a machine that was bigger than necessary; better to innovate and promote the technological change. (I understand by “technological change” developments in which there is a change in ‘know-how’, change in ideas that informs both the methods by which artefacts are built and the artefacts themselves.)

  14. 14.

    Note that the variables read ‘diameter in dactyls’ and ‘weight in minas’, so the formula itself is dimensionally correct – evidently, one cannot set a length equal to a weight. A much simpler formula was available for sharps-caster than for stone-throwers, namely D = L/9, where D is again the diameter in dactyls of the hole in the catapult frame for the sinew-spring and L is the length, also in dactyls, of the missile. On the basis of these formulae, the rest of the dimensions of a given catapult were inferred. I won’t be concerned with that, but I will note that the technical treatises available to artillery constructers had directions for computing these, once the solution of the formulae were found.

  15. 15.

    The problem can be represented in several ways, the simplest is to write in terms of mean proportionals. A number of proofs of the required theorem can be found in Heath (1981), together with a general discussion of the problem, at 240–270. Landels (1978) does not give a proof, though his is a good description of the application of the formula, see 120–123. Marsden’s description, not the easiest to follow if one does not have some guidance, is given at 39–40.

  16. 16.

    Perhaps not surprisingly, Rihill does not whole-heartedly endorse this conclusion. She writes “Although the Romans adopted Greek catapult technology, Roman catapults were not réchauffé Greek models. The same basic technology is involved and the mechanics do not change of course, but over the centuries that Rome dominated Europe and the Near East, continuing development of a reduced range of types is evident” Rihill (2007: 176).

  17. 17.

    It must be admitted that the flexibility in the evolution view is both a good and a bad thing. It is bad because the account might be seen as just too accommodating and explanatory, and hence not really explanatory at all. I note this possible objection only to set it aside. I think the account is promising and it is being developed by a cohort of able scholars, including John Ziman and George Basalla.

  18. 18.

    There is clearly a difference between an explanation in which the speedy characteristic itself is mooted as the cause of the survival of the organism – this is in fact a deterministic explanation given at the time organism comes on the scene – and a causal account which traces the individual episodes of the creature evading capture because it is quick and hence growing to maturity and being able to reproduce.

  19. 19.

    Indeed, a mechanism of punctuated equilibrium for evolutionary change, one that is opposed to the gradualist mechanism, has been postulated by Gould and his co-workers that sees long periods of stability punctuated by episodes of spectacular change. We are at liberty to choose whichever mechanism gives the better account. Notice that our interest in this view of the history of technology is not so much as to be able to guarantee that there is a single ‘tree’ comprising all weapons artefacts, or even that it is possible to give some explanation or account of the existence of a given artefact with reference to ones that have gone before.

  20. 20.

    Mokyr then proceeds to talk about a set of useful knowledge, and suggests the relations between the set of techniques resembles that between phenotype and genotype. I won’t explain here his reasons for this proposal, but it seems a little strange to take the phenotype to be a subclass of the genotype and not a different kind of entity. Aunger (2002), on the other hand, proposes an account that takes the replicators to be memes, inspired by Richard Dawkins speculation that cultural change has an evolutionary basis and introduced the idea of the meme as the ‘unit of culture’ on analogy with genes. To make this theory work, it is necessary to clarify the relation between meme and artefact, and I will not attempt to summarise here how this might be done. My own preference, also speculative, was outlined in Chap. 2, namely that designs are considered as universals that are instantiated in artefacts. Combining this suggestion with the evolutionary theory, one would posit lineages of universals that resemble one another.

  21. 21.

    All my information here comes from Marsden (1971).

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Appendix: The Technical Treatises

Appendix: The Technical Treatises

There are in all five ‘technical treatises’ that have come down to us from antiquity.Footnote 21 These are Heron of Alexandria’s Cheiroballistra and Belopoeica (either second half of first century CE or, less probably, first half of second century CE) Vitruvius the Roman engineer De Architectura (about 25 BCE), Philon of Byzantium’s Belopoeica (270–240 BCE?), Biton’s Construction of War-machines and Artillery (about 240 BCE?). Rather more is known about the two later works than the earlier ones. I will say a little about each of them.

Heron’s work Cheiroballistra is just a three page list of components for a machine of the same name, which was a small, sophisticated catapult, to be used by an individual artilleryman. So it is a finished design or blueprint (‘engineering specification’) that could be followed by a skilled craftsman – indeed, Marsden reports that a full-sized working replica has been made. I note here again that it is significant that this, and others of the machines mentioned in the treatises, have been made following the instruction of the original treatises. Marsden says that sometimes it has been necessary for the modern artificer to use modern substitutes for materials no longer readily available, such as the types of sinew used to generate the restoring force of the machines – the springs – and sometimes also to make allowances for mistakes in the extant versions of the treatises, something that he would put down to copying errors (‘mutations’). Leaving these minor points aside, the fact that it is possible to follow the instructions and build cheiroballistras and other machines many centuries after they were written down substantiates the idea that the design, unlike their individual manifestations as artefacts – there are no ancient working cheiroballistras about – endure in space and time: treatises written in the Near East two millennia ago provide the blueprints for constructing machines in Northern Europe. Turning to Heron’s other work, Belopoeica (artillery manual) is more general, and he gives some dimensions for making a variety of machines – the belly bow, early torsion artillery, straight spring engines, etc. There is also some mathematics in the form of the theorem of two mean proportionals and reference to the doubling of the cube, though the geometrical representation is a little dense.

In contrast to both of Heron’s treatises, Philon’s is longer and more general. Thus, while Heron gives the specific dimensions for just one machine, in the Cheiroballistra, Philon, as we have seen, gives a formula for constructing machines of a given type, namely the stone-throwing catapult, and a perspicuous method for dealing with it. He also gives hints for scaling up from models and making machines on the basis of existing examples, and there are quite a lot of details about making and mounting the springs. Philon’s work is thus more useful to the builder of artillery than Heron’s because it encompasses a wider range of possibilities. A common feature of these treatises, one that they all shared, is that the authors did not invent the machines that they describe. Philon, for example, is supposed to have spent time on the island of Rhodes which was known to have many skilled craftsman and which was famous for its advanced war machinery, and also at the arsenal in Alexandria. One supposes that Philon observed, took part in and learned much from the work carried on in both places. And one supposes that the Rhodian and Alexandrian engineers had learnt their trade from others. So his Belopoeica is in part at least a summary of the incremental achievements of others, though Marsden thinks that Philon did do some original work.

Now to the Roman Vitruvius, it appears that he was a military architectus engaged to construct and repair catapults and hence had direct practical knowledge of his field. The three books on artillery in his ten book De Architectura are short and authoritative: he gives a list of the sizes of the hole for the springs for various catapults which “I personally have found correct in practice and which, in part, I have received from my instructors as fully vouched for”. Of course one would expect this of someone who was employed by Julius and Augustus Caesar. The works of Vitruvius and other Roman engineers were reprinted well into the middle ages (Nossov 2005: 52). Finally to Biton. His is a relatively short treatise with blueprints for two types of stone throwers, one type of bow and a sambuca (siege ladder). There are no general formulae and hence his work is perhaps the least comprehensive of the four writers.

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Forge, J. (2013). The Development of Projectile Weapons: Ancient Catapults. In: Designed to Kill: The Case Against Weapons Research. Research Ethics Forum, vol 1. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-5736-3_3

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