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Abstract

The ‘Averroism’ which figures in my chapter is a radically attenuated version of the philosophy of Ibn Rushd – Averroism as represented by a single doctrine imputed to the Commentator, namely the idea of a single soul, common to all human beings. The subject of my chapter has less, therefore to do with the thought of Averroes in its later reception or manifestation, and more to do with an idea of Averroism which was current in seventeenth-century England. This is particularly true of the Cambridge Platonists for whom the Averroist doctrine of the intellectus agens is the key doctrine which they associate with Averroes and which they understood as a doctrine of a ‘single soul’ or ‘common soul’. The only one of their number to offer anything like an extensive critique of Averroes was Henry More (1614–1687). Although he too was primarily concerned with the Averroistic conception of the intellectus agens, his response is distinctive for his concern with the Italian Averroists of recent times, Girolamo Cardano, Pietro Pomponazzi and Giulio Cesare Vanini. Even though the Cambridge Platonists’ views on the intellectus agens tell us more about themselves than about Averroes, their limited focus is nevertheless revealing of currents of diffusion of Averroistic ideas, and of the presence of Averroes even in the new waters of early modern philosophy. As I shall argue later, there is an important sense in which More’s partial and distorted conception of the philosophy of Ibn Rushd contributed to a new conception of the self centred on consciousness. My chapter will offer a brief survey of identifiable references to Averroes in the work the Cambridge Platonists, starting with three Emmanuel College men, John Smith (1618–1652), Nathaniel Culverwell (1619–1651) and Ralph Cudworth (1617–1688). I shall then discuss Henry More, to whom the major part of this chapter will be devoted. But before discussing the Cambridge school, a few words on the background.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The doctrine that there was a single Agent Intellect was held by Avicenna and al-Fārābī as well as Averroes. But Averroes held that there was a common material intellect. His conception of the unicity of the intellect was often, as with the Cambridge Platonists, called ‘monopsychism’.

  2. 2.

    G. J. Toomer, Eastern Wisdom and Learning: The Study of Arabic in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996).

  3. 3.

    Charles B. Schmitt, Aristotle and the Renaissance (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983).

  4. 4.

    Eckhard Kessler, ‘The Intellective Soul’, in The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, eds Charles B. Schmitt, Quentin Skinner, E. Kessler and Jill Kraye (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 485–534; Brian P. Copenhaver and Charles B. Schmitt, Renaissance Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992); Martin Pine, Pietro Pomponazzi: Radical Philosopher of the Renaissance (Padua: Antenore, 1986).

  5. 5.

    Armagh, Robinson Library, ms g.III.15. See Ian Roy, ‘The Libraries of Edward, Second Viscount Conway, and Others. An Inventory and Valuation of 1643’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 41 (1968), pp. 35–46. Various writings by Averroes appear in sixteenth-century academic booklists. See E. S. Leedham-Green, Books in Cambridge Inventories: Book-Lists from Vice-Chancellor’s Court Probate Inventories in the Tudor and Stuart Periods, 2 vols (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).

  6. 6.

    John Selden, De jure naturali ac gentium (London: Richard Bishop, 1640), I. ix, pp. 109–116.

  7. 7.

    Ibid., pp. 113, 116, 112.

  8. 8.

    Giosuè Musca lists Destructiones Averroes cum Niphi expositione (litera antiqua) (1501) (sic), in his, ‘“Omne genus animalium”. Antichità e Medioevo in una biblioteca privata inglese del Seicento’, Quaderni Medievali, 25 (1988), pp. 25–76 (61). Lack of evidence that Cudworth read this text does not mean that he did not do so. On Agostino Nifo’s commentary on Averroes’s Destructio, see Nicholas Holland’s chapter in this volume.

  9. 9.

    The direct influence of Ficino on the Cambridge Platonists was actually rather limited. See my ‘Marsilio Ficino and Ralph Cudworth’, in The Rebirth of Platonic Philosophy, ed. James Hankins (iTatti, forthcoming). Also, ‘Henry More, Ficino and Plotinus: The Continuity of Renaissance Platonism’, in Forme del neoplatonismo: Dall’eredità ficiniana ai Platonici di Cambridge, ed. Luisa Simonutti (Florence: Olschki, 2007), pp. 281–296. On Ficino’s critique of Averroes’s theory of the intellect, see Michael Allen’s chapter in this volume.

  10. 10.

    Although Cudworth’s True Intellectual System of the Universe, did not appear until 1678, and his Treatise concerning Eternal and Immutable Morality was not published until long after his death, in 1731, Cudworth was already working on them before the Restoration.

  11. 11.

    Ralph Cudworth, True Intellectual System of the Universe (London: Richard Royston, 1678), p. 53.

  12. 12.

    Ralph Cudworth, A Treatise Concerning Eternal and Immutable Morality, ed. Sarah Hutton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 82–83.

  13. 13.

    Ibid., p. 84. For further discussion of Cudworth’s use of Aristotle, see my ‘Aristotle and the Cambridge Platonists: The Case of Cudworth’, in Philosophy in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: Conversations with Aristotle, eds Constance T. Blackwell and Sachiko Kusukawa (London: Ashgate, 2000), pp. 337–349.

  14. 14.

    Smith’s Select Discourses (London: James Flesher, 1660) were edited by John Worthington about a decade after his death.

  15. 15.

    Ibid., p. 186.

  16. 16.

    Nathaniel Culverwell, An Elegant and Learned Discourse of the Light of Nature, eds Robert A. Greene and Hugh McCallum (Toronto: University of Toronto Press), p. 68.

  17. 17.

    Ibid.

  18. 18.

    Ibid., pp. 68–69.

  19. 19.

    Ibid. Zabarella, De mente agente in De rebus naturalibus (1604). On Averroistic motives in Cardano, see Valverde’s chapter in this volume.

  20. 20.

    Culverwell, Light, p. 68; Julius Caesar Scaliger, Exotericarum exercitationum liber XV de subtilitate ad Hieronymum Cardanum (Paris: Michel Vasconsan, 1557).

  21. 21.

    Selden, De jure naturali ac gentium, I.ix (116n.).

  22. 22.

    Culverwell, Light, p. 70.

  23. 23.

    Why this should be so, given the Christian Platonism which they shared, may be an individual matter. But it may also reflect a difference of emphasis owing to their college backgrounds: all except for More were trained at Emmanuel College. The only study which discusses More’s Averroism is David Leech, ‘No Spirit, No God’: An Examination of the Cambridge Platonist Henry More’s Defence of Soul as a Bulwark against Atheism’ (PhD Thesis, Cambridge, 2006), to which I wish to acknowledge my debt, though we differ in our assessment of the influence of Plotinus on More.

  24. 24.

    Alastair Hamilton, William Bedwell the Arabist (Leiden: Brill, 1985). Examples of Bedwell’s usage of the term may be found in the documents printed on pp. 107, 109 and 115.

  25. 25.

    Henry More, Psychodia Platonica, or, A Platonicall Song of the Soul (Cambridge, 1642). Reprinted in Philosophical Poems (Cambridge: Roger Daniel, 1647).

  26. 26.

    More, An Explanation, p. 335.

  27. 27.

    Ibid.

  28. 28.

    Ibid., section 4.

  29. 29.

    More, Antipsychopannychia, Preface.

  30. 30.

    More, Immortality of the Soul, Preface, section 10.

  31. 31.

    More, Antipsychopannychia, Preface. All references to More’s Immortality are from the version published in his A Collection of Several Philosophical Writings (London: James Flesher, 1662), in which each constituent text is separately paginated.

  32. 32.

    For further discussion, see Pauline Remes, Neoplatonism (Stocksfield: Acumen, 2008), and Eyjólfur Emilsson, Plotinus on Intellect (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2007).

  33. 33.

    More, Immortality of the Soul, Preface and p. 212.

  34. 34.

    Ibid., p. 213.

  35. 35.

    More, Immortality, p. 212.

  36. 36.

    Ibid., p. 212.

  37. 37.

    Ibid., p. 213.

  38. 38.

    Alan Gabbey, ‘“Philosophia cartesiana triumphata”, Henry More, 1646–71’, in Problems in Cartesianism, eds Thomas M. Lennon, John M. Nicholas, and John W. Davis (Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press: 1982), pp. 171–509.

  39. 39.

    More, Immortality, Preface, section 15.

  40. 40.

    Ibid., p. 212.

  41. 41.

    Ibid., p. 214.

  42. 42.

    Leech, ‘“No spirit, no god”’, p. 164.

  43. 43.

    More, Immortality, p. 215.

  44. 44.

    The term ‘Sadducism’ was used by Joseph Glanvill, who shared More’s interest in paranormal phenomena. See A Blow at Modern Sadducism in some Philosophical Considerations about Witchcraft (London: James Collins, 1668); Glanvill, Sadducismus Triumphatus: Of Full and Plain Evidence Concerning Witches, with a Letter of Dr H. More on the Same Subject (London: James Collins, 1681).

  45. 45.

    David Leech argues that More’s Platonist conception of the soul underwent a process of development and refinement between his earlier and later writings, becoming less indebted to Plotinus, and more to Iamblichus and others. Leech, ‘No Spirit, No God’.

  46. 46.

    Immortality, p. 214.

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Hutton, S. (2013). The Cambridge Platonists and Averroes. In: Akasoy, A., Giglioni, G. (eds) Renaissance Averroism and Its Aftermath: Arabic Philosophy in Early Modern Europe. International Archives of the History of Ideas Archives internationales d'histoire des idées, vol 211. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-5240-5_10

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