Abstract
This paper focuses on the interface between lexical semantics and word formation. These two linguistic domains give us distinct types of intrinsic information on the semantic content of morphologically constructed words. A common formalism, called Morphological Structure Composition Schema (MS-CS), designed within Generative Lexicon Theory (GL), establishes strong links between these domains. It is illustrated in French by the representation of the Noun-to-Verb (NtoV) versus Verb-to-Noun (VtoN) conversion word formation processes. The relevance of this word formation type for lexical semantics is threefold. It consists in a non-conventional, affix-free, and hence uniquely semantics-driven mechanism. It is a topic of interest to the morphology, syntax, and semantics communities. Finally, it is both a productive and frequent phenomenon, observed in several languages. After an overview of linguistic theories related to this phenomenon, an analysis follows based on a large corpus designed to build a frequency-ranked semantics-based typology of NtoV and VtoN conversion. On the basis of such a classification, a unified GL-inspired model is proposed and illustrated through several examples
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Notes
- 1.
Phonetics blocks semantics if one is competing with the other. This phenomenon will not be addressed in this paper, since we focus only on WF semantic constraints: for a detailed description, see Plénat and Roché (2004).
- 2.
See Sect. 17.3 for a more accurate definition of conversion.
- 3.
i.e. an underspecified referential lexical unit.
- 4.
- 5.
As is well-known in the framework of typed feature structures, indices are used to ensure value unification (Shieber 1986).
- 6.
Some authors, especially those who belong to the Government and Binding tradition, call conversion by means of the term zero affixation.
- 7.
We choose to represent verbs by means of their infinitive form: the inflection ending marking the V infinitive –er is put between brackets. Some phonological variations, such as here/ε/→/εj/, graphically realized by the [ai] → [ay] alternation, may occur within the conjugation paradigm.
- 8.
Inflectional endings, such as infinitive –er, are surface marks which have nothing to do with word formation.
- 9.
When conversion involves morphologically complex lexical units, orientation may be decided from the input and output internal structure. For instance, the suffix –ure, building deverbal nouns, appears in the pair hachure N/hachur(er) V [hatching, zebra marking N /hatch V ], forcing the N →conv V orientation. In fact, the other orientation would imply the output noun be formed both by conversion, from hachur(er), and by suffixation, from hach(er) [chop, cut, mince V ], which is not possible since hachure is not polysemous. See Namer (2003), which follows Corbin (1987), for a conversion typology according to input/output morphological complexity.
- 10.
- 11.
also called ‘overt analogue’ principle (Sanders 1988).
- 12.
Actually, -eur/-euse are nothing but two gender variations of the same affix: -euse is a possible feminine form corresponding to -eur. We assume that gender variation has to do with inflection, and thus is not a matter of wf, at least for nouns referring to inanimate entities, see (Corbett 1991) for an accurate discussion on this issue.
- 13.
TLFnome is a lexicon of inflected forms developed at the INaLF based on the nomenclature of the Trésor de la Langue Française, a general language multi-volumes dictionary. It currently contains 63,000 lemmas, 390,000 forms and 500,000 entries. It is in the course of being supplemented by 36,400 additional lemmas from the TLF index.
- 14.
Due to the technique we used to collect our corpus, N/V pairs exhibiting strong allomorphy or suppletive variations are not included in our study (e.g. pleuv-oir V /pluie N [rain V/N ]). A manual checking should be necessary to confirm their behaviour to be in conformity with the obtained conclusions (Sect. 17.3.5, Table 17.1).
- 15.
VtoN conversion class -1-, Table 17.2 in which N denotes the agent (guide, garde) gathers a non-representative amount of Noun/Verb pairs; therefore we have chosen not to take them into account in our model.
- 16.
See Pustejovsky (1995:175) for an illustration of this type of denotation with the ambiguous noun belief.
- 17.
Following Pustejovsky (1996), the distinction between endocentric and exocentric dotted types is based on the acceptability of the contextual cooperation between the two readings of a logical polysemic word, these readings being accounted for by two corresponding types which are embedded in the dotted type. The readings of a word associated to an exocentric dotted type do not cooperate, while the two readings of a word associated to an endocentric dotted type do. The exocentric/endocentric distinction seems to be close to that of Cruse (1986) between cooperative versus non cooperative readings of word.
- 18.
Since nouns carry only default event parameters, there is no headedness involved in their event structure, so, for accomplishments such as transport, both process and state can be realized. And since deverbal nouns inherit input verb argument structure content only as default arguments, noun arguments are always optional.
- 19.
Actually, only dance and butter are mentioned in Pustejovsky (1996): we assume that walk and drain would be represented in the same way.
References
Adams, V. (1973). An introduction to modern English word-formation. London: Longman Group Limited.
Anscombre, J.-C. (1979). Délocutivité benvenistienne, délocutivité généralisée et performativité. Langue Française, 42, 69–84, Paris.
Aronoff, M. (1976). Word formation in generative grammar. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Aronoff, M., Oehrle, R., Kelley, F., & Stephens, B. W. (Eds.). (1984). Language sound and structure. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Aurnague, M., & Plénat, M. (1996). La préfixation en é- et la relation de partie à tout. In D. Genthial et al. (Eds.), Seminaire Lexique. Représentations et outils pour les bases lexicales. Morphologie robuste (pp. 43–52). Grenoble: CLIPS-IMAG, Université de Grenoble.
Aurnague, M., & Plénat, M. (1997). Manifestations morphologiques de la relation d’attachement habituel. In D. Corbin, G. Dal, B. Fradin, B. Habert, F. Kerleroux, M. Plénat, & M. Roché (Eds.), Silexicales 1: Mots possibles, mots existants (pp. 15–24). Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses de l’Université de Lille III.
Benveniste, E. (1966). Problèmes de linguistique générale. Paris: Gallimard.
Bybee, J. (1988). Morphology as lexical organization. In M. Hammond & M. Noonan (Eds.), Theoretical morphology (pp. 119–141). San Diego: Academic.
Corbett, G. (1991). Gender. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Corbin, D. (1987). Morphologie dérivationnelle et structuration du lexique (2 Vols.). Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen (2nd ed.). Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses Universitaires de Lille.
Corbin, D. (2001). Préfixes et suffixes: du sens aux catégories. Faits de langue, 15, 41–69, Ophrys, Paris.
Corbin, D. (2004). French (Indo-European: Romance). In G. Booij, C. Lehmann, & J. Mugdan (Eds.), Morphology. An international handbook on inflection and word formation (Vol. 1). New York: Walter de Gruyter, art. 121.
Cornulier, B. d. (1976). La notion de dérivation délocutive. Revue de linguistique romane, 40, 116–144, Champion, Paris.
Cruse, D. A. (1986). Lexical semantics. London: Cambridge University Press.
Dal, G. (1997). Du principe d’unicité catégorielle au principe d’unicité sémantique: incidence sur la formalisation du lexique construit morphologiquement. In P. Greenfield, H. Madec, P.-A. Buvet, & S. Cardey (Eds.), Actes de Fractal’97, BULAG numéro spécial (pp. 105–115). Besançon: Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté.
Di Sciullo, A.-M., & Williams, E. (1987). On the definition of word. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Fradin, B. (2003). Nouvelles approches en morphologie. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
Fradin, B., & Kerleroux, F. (2003a). Quelles bases pour les procédés de la morphologie constructionnelle ? In B. Fradin, G. Dal, N. Hathout, F. Kerleroux, M. Plénat, & M. Roché (Eds.), Silexicales 3: Les unités morphologiques (pp. 76–84). Villeneuve d'Ascq: SILEX: CNRS & Université de Lille 3.
Fradin, B., & Kerleroux, F. (2003b). Troubles with lexemes. In G. Booij, J. De Cesaris, A. Ralli, & S. Scalise (Eds.), Topics in morphology. Selected papers from the third mediterranean morphology meeting (pp. 177–196). Barcelona: Institut Universitari de lingüistica aplicada, Univertat Pompeu Fabra.
Hale, K., & Kayser, S. J. (1993). On argument structure and the lexical representation of syntactic relations. In K. Hale & S. J. Kayser (Eds.), The view from building 20: Essays in linguistics in honor of Sylvain Bromberger (pp. 53–110). Cambridge, MA/Cambridge, UK: MIT Press.
Haspelmath, M. (2002). Understanding morphology. London: Arnold.
Jacquey, E., & Namer, F. (2003). Morphosémantique et modélisation: les verbes dénominaux préfixés par é-,in: Actes de la seconde conférence “Représentation du sens linguistique”, Montréal.
Katamba, F. (1993). Morphology. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Kerleroux, F. (1996a). La coupure invisible: études de syntaxe et de morphologie. Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses universitaires du Septentrion.
Kerleroux, F. (1996b). Représentations de l’absence de suffixe dans les noms déverbaux processifs du français. In Travaux linguistiques du CERLICO, n°9 (pp. 141–170). Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes.
Kerleroux, F. (1997). De la limitation de l’homonymie entre noms déverbaux convertis et apocopes de noms déverbaux suffixés. In D. Corbin, G. Dal, B. Fradin, B. Habert, F. Kerleroux, M. Plénat, & M. Roché (Eds.), Silexicales 1: Mots possibles, mots existants (pp. 163–172). Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses de l’Université de Lille III.
Kerleroux, F. (1999). Identification d’un procédé morphologique: la conversion. Faits de langues, 14, 89–100. Ophrys, Paris.
Kerleroux, F. (2004). Sur quels objets portent les opérations morphologiques de construction ? In Lexique 16 (pp. 85–124). Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses universitaires du Septentrion.
Kiparsky, P. (1982). Lexical phonology and morphology. In I.-S. Yang (Ed.), Linguistics in the morning calm (pp. 3–91). Seoul: Hanshin.
Koenig, J.-P. (1999). Lexical relations. Stanford: CSLI publications.
Larcher, P. (2003). La dérivation délocutive: Histoire d’une notion méconnue. Historiographia Linguistica, 30(3), 389–406(8), John Benjamins Publishing Company, Amsterdam.
Lieber, R. (1992). Deconstructing morphology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Marchand, H. (1969). The categories and types of present-day English word-formation. Munich: C.H. Beck Verlagsbuchhandlung.
Meinschäfer, J. (2003). Remarques sur l’interprétation des déverbaux sans affixe en français. In B. Fradin, G. Dal, F. Kerleroux, N. Hathout, M. Plénat, & M. Roché (Eds.), Silexicales 3: Les unités morphologiques (pp. 118–125). Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses universitaires de Lille.
Mel’cuk, I. (1996). Cours de morphologie générale (Vol. 3). Montréal/Paris: Presses de l’université de Montréal -CNRS.
Mel’cuk, I. (1997). Cours de morphologie générale (Vol. 4). Montréal/Paris: Presses de l’université de Montréal -CNRS.
Namer, F. (2003). Automatiser l’analyse morpho-sémantique non affixale: le système DériF. In Cahiers de Grammaire 28 (pp. 31–48). Toulouse: Presses universitaires du Mirail.
Namer, F., & Jacquey, E. (2003). Lexical semantics and derivational morphology: The case of the popular ‘é-’ prefixation in French. Proceedings of the Second Workshop on Generative Approaches to the Lexicon, Geneva, pp. 115–122.
Plénat, M., & Roché, M. (2004). Prosodic constraints on suffixation in French. In G. Booij, J. De Cesaris, A. Ralli, & S. Scalise (Eds.), Topics in morphology. Selected papers from the third Mediterranean morphology meeting (pp. 285–299). Barcelona: Institut Universitari de lingüistica aplicada, Univertat Pompeu Fabra.
Pustejovsky, J. (1995). The generative lexicon. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Pustejovsky, J. (1996). Lexical shadowing and argument closure, ms. Boston: Brandeis University.
Sanders, G. (1988). Zero derivation and the overt analogue criterion. In M. Hammond & M. Noonan (Eds.), Theoretical morphology: Approaches in modern linguistics (pp. 155–175). San Diego: Academic.
Selkirk, E. (1982). The syntax of words, Linguistic Inquiry Monograph. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Shieber, S. M. (1986). An introduction to unification-based approaches to grammar (CSLI Lecture Notes Series, Vol. 4). Stanford: Center for the Study of Language and Information.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Editor information
Editors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 2013 Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Namer, F., Jacquey, E. (2013). Word Formation Rules and the Generative Lexicon: Representing Noun-to-Verb Versus Verb-to-Noun Conversion in French. In: Pustejovsky, J., Bouillon, P., Isahara, H., Kanzaki, K., Lee, C. (eds) Advances in Generative Lexicon Theory. Text, Speech and Language Technology, vol 46. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-5189-7_17
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-5189-7_17
Published:
Publisher Name: Springer, Dordrecht
Print ISBN: 978-94-007-5188-0
Online ISBN: 978-94-007-5189-7
eBook Packages: Computer ScienceComputer Science (R0)