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Policy Perspective on Science Popularization in China

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Science Communication in the World

Abstract

Science popularization is important in China. It is the Chinese term for the concepts of public understanding of science or public communication of science and technology now prevailing around the world. Science popularization in China has developed in an idiosyncratic way, as part of an organized and mobilized effort. This paper explores science popularization from a policy perspective. From about 1,000 policy documents on science popularization, the authors selected 100 of the most relevant. In this paper, the 100 policies are classified into four groups according to their operational effects. Three of the most important ones, which have in the past 15 years played decisive roles gaining funding and stimulating the advancement of the enterprise, are highlighted. The driving forces behind science popularization in China are many, but underlying ideology and imported advocacies have been especially significant. Because science popularization, by whatever name, has begun to appear on the agendas of the governments of many countries, policies reflecting government decisions in this area are becoming ever more influential, and need to be fully understood.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    According to the findings of scientific literacy surveys of China, Chinese citizens have a high level of interest in science but a low level of scientific knowledge. In the public eye, kepu most often refers to popular science products such as books, lectures or TV programs, instead of the social phenomenon of interaction or communication between science and the public.

  2. 2.

    The word for SP (kepu) appears in nearly all the titles of the documents that focus specifically on the public communication of science and technology. Fewer documents use the phrase ‘science communication’ in their titles, such as the Long and Mid Term Program for the Development of Science Communication of the Chinese Academy of Sciences (2006–2020). That phrase, however, appears more and more often since 1990s in parallel with kepu in many official papers.

  3. 3.

    SP in China is a public business carried out for the people’s wellbeing. A huge body of full-time public employees works in the area. Practice in this part of the social sector is normally considered to be SP work and a government-supported enterprise.

  4. 4.

    China began to conduct national civic scientific literacy surveys in 1992. According to the surveys, by 2005 less than 2% of Chinese could be considered to be scientifically literate, which was considered to threaten the sustainable social–economic advancement of the nation.

  5. 5.

    Goals of the actions and projects were set to be fulfilled by 2010. New goals were established and the actions and projects were regrouped in 2011.

  6. 6.

    The two civilizations have now been expanded into five domains: material, mental, political, cultural and social. SP is related to all of them but in government reports is usually classified and addressed in the cultural domain.

  7. 7.

    Translated in the Outline as knowing some necessary knowledge of science and technology, mastering basic methods of science, building up science thoughts, and advocating science ethos (State Council 2006).

References

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Acknowledgement

The authors wish to thank their colleague, Li Zhengwei, who did a lot of work in collecting and sorting the original documents referred to here. Their thanks also go to Professor Zhang Yizhong, who kindly provided legal references about SP in China.

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Correspondence to Shunke Shi .

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Shi, S., Zhang, H. (2012). Policy Perspective on Science Popularization in China. In: Schiele, B., Claessens, M., Shi, S. (eds) Science Communication in the World. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-4279-6_5

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