Abstract
The demands of exile and the culture of labor radicalism and antifascism in mid-century New York transformed exile Spanish Civil War women’s inherited gendered relationship with the state. Initially, the traditional framework of womanhood drew women together to help Civil War refugees. In the course of their involvement, women actively participated in the organization of fund-raising events for republican Spain. They developed their talents as organizers, amateur actresses, singers and dancers. In contrast with their literary representations in España Libre (New York, 1939–1977), the Confederated Hispanic Societies’ newspaper, which often reduced Spanish women to a national symbol, confederated women were crucial political actors of exile in the United States, and their voluntary relief work increased their profile in exile communities.
The grassroots activism in which women participated, encouraged transnational solidarity, local community consciousness, and forged a sense of shared culture and identity for exiles. In addition to performing and fund-raising, women cultivated their own political thought of social change and often participated and led in the same forums and publications as men. However, recognition of the women’s significant contributions to anti-fascism and anti-Francoism was limited by the confederation’s patriarchal framework. Today, the recovery of their actions and voices adds to both American and Spanish social history and to the scholarly work on women’s strategies of political involvement.
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Notes
- 1.
Originally known as the Comité Antifascista Español (Spanish Antifascist Committee).
- 2.
España Libre understood Francoism as a conservative totalitarian regime in Spain, while interpreted fascism as a movement of social Darwinism and corporatist economy in Europe and Latin America.
- 3.
The “collective amnesia” is a phrase used by historian Mary Nash in her seminal work “Two Decades of Women’s History in Spain” (1991) to describe the lack of awareness of women’s participation in working class politics in the 1930s and 1940s.
- 4.
According to the U.S. Census Bureau, there were 47,707 Spaniards living in the United States in 1940, and 45,563 in 1950 (Rueda 1993).
- 5.
Germán Rueda (1993) counts 81% of Spaniards entering the United States from 1873 to 1929 as workers. The Spanish Ministry of Foreign affairs defined the Spanish immigrants established in the United States from 1933 to 1935 as composed of 70% of workers and 15% of merchants (Rueda 1993). According to the Department of Justice, Immigration and Naturalization Service 8,672 Spaniards arrived to the United States from 1936 to 1949; 29.3% declared to be manual workers or merchants, 32.7% declared no occupation, and 38% declared to be professionals (Ordaz Romay 1998).
- 6.
United Automobile Workers of America (UAW), Spanish Refugee Aid (SRA), Solidaridad Internacional Antifascista (SIA), and Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) were among the organizations that economically and logistically supported Confederated Hispanic Societies’ endeavors.
- 7.
However, confederates were antagonistic towards the Spanish Communist Party because it was considered totalitarian. In fact, in 1939 the newspaper changed its name from Frente Popular, under which it had been published since 1936, to España Libre to distance itself from the communists. However, España Libre continued to individually publish columnists who were “fellow travelers.”
- 8.
España Libre‘s frequency dropped from weekly to bimonthly in 1962, to monthly in 1963, and finally to one issue every 2 months in 1967. Circulation dropped from 3,000 issues to 1,500 in 1953, and to 2050 in 1965 and 1966. Although modest in circulation, issues were often shared among readers (A nuestros suscriptores 1942, p. 5).
- 9.
The diverse objectives of the confederation were a balancing act: (1) providing information to Republicans, (2) restituting the Republic government, and (3) economically helping refugees and political prisoners. In addition, España Libre did not charge some refugees, or economically-challenged exiles, because the newspaper was understood as a service to them. For this reason, an average of the 30% of its circulation was unpaid.
- 10.
The Hispanic labor press and many American organizations published newspapers supporting Republican Spain. However, none exclusively focused on it for 38 years. For more on pro-Republic newspapers see Kanellos and Martell, Hispanic Periodicals in the United States (2000); and Rey Garcia, Stars for Spain (1997).
- 11.
Hispanic refers here to Latin American and U.S. Hispanic peoples in contrast to Spaniards.
- 12.
Under the 1931 Spanish Constitution, women could vote and stand for parliament. Social reforms, including liberal divorce laws, enhanced their civil rights and employment rights (Graham 1995).
- 13.
My translation: Mi bendita mujer, (…) es una mujer casera de ahí no pasa.
- 14.
My translation: Soy, si cabe, mucho más desgraciado que era en nuestro Madrid […] se cree superior a todo y en lo íntimo del hogar, […] La mujer mía de ahora es seca, árida, agresiva, sin ternura, ni inocencia, ni candor femenino.
- 15.
The publication of El ángel del hogar (The Angel of the Household) by María Pilar de Sinués de Marco in 1859 marked the construction of this archetype.
- 16.
The archetype of the ‘modern woman’ developed with La mujer moderna (The Modern Woman) published by María Lejárraga, under her husband’s name, Gregorio Martínez Sierra, in the 1920s in Spain. Carmen de Burgos, Margarita Nelken, and Clara Campoamor are other intellectuals who also demanded improved social conditions for women (Samblancat Miranda 2006).
- 17.
My translation: como valle abrigado en cuya fértil tierra de sembradura nazcan y florezcan tus hijos en paz y en alegría.
- 18.
My translation: serás, como hija, leal a tus mayores; como mujer, después, leal a tu marido; como madre, más tarde, leal a tus pichones, y, por fin, como amiga, leal a tus amigos.
- 19.
My translation: Los presos […] eran de todas las condiciones y edades: profesores, sirvientes, obreros, médicos, abogados, etc. Las mujeres eran todas esposas, madres o hermanas de hombre que estaban en la oposición a Franco
- 20.
My translation: El hombre normal conquista mujeres, Hitler conquista pueblos. El enamorado corriente viola doncellas. Hitler viola naciones. El Donjuán ordinario toma unas copas, promete amores eternos y roba virginidades.
- 21.
There were some exceptions, such as anarchists Carmen Aldecoa and Federica Montseny, and noted socialist Victoria Kent.
- 22.
It is important to consider the percentage rate of Spanish immigrant women (18.5%) to Spanish immigrant men (81.5%) who entered the United States from 1899 to 1944 (Rueda 1993).
- 23.
For more on the Jewish boycott of German products, see Wallace (2007).
- 24.
The authors were Armiña Banyan, María Bringa, Alba Castilla (daughter of José Castilla Morales), Celeste Cesuraga, Rosa Cesuraga, Josefina Gil, Dolores Llull, Blanca Machado, Amparo Miralles, Peggy Reyes, Emilia Rodríguez, Enriqueta Romeo, Josefina Sánchez, Ana Santana.
- 25.
Grandioso será el festival. España Libre 24 January 1941, 8.
- 26.
My translation: Madres españolas, checoslovacas, polacas, finlandesas, madres todas que han sufrido el horror de ver sus hijos despedazados por la metralla de Hitler, Mussolini, Franco y Stalin.
- 27.
My translation: Las mujeres podemos hacer mucho bien cuando olvidamos los convencionalismos de la sociedad burguesa y aceptando la responsabilidad de nuestro destino tomamos una posición de vanguardia.
- 28.
For the purpose of this study, I have also considered the 21 venues carried out in November and December 1939, after Frente Popular transformed into España Libre, when the anarchists, socialists and republicans separated from the communists.
- 29.
In addition, fund-raising picnics and football games were organized in summer.
- 30.
For example, the rally celebrated in the Manhattan Center on January 8, 1940 (Camaradas delegados 1940).
- 31.
For example, Federico García Lorca’s brother Francisco Garcia Lorca and Lorca’s niece Laura García Lorca performed in two theatrical events in 1944. The Spanish Republic ambassador to the United States, Fernando de los Ríos, gave 16 speeches for confederate events.
- 32.
However, 53 fund-raising activities were held in 1958.
- 33.
The distinction between exile and refugee in España Libre is an economic one. A refugee is someone who needs help to get settled outside Spain. Exiles are previous refugees or émigrés who are already settled abroad, and are politically active.
- 34.
My translation: La señora Bouveta hasta su último momento dedicó toda su vida en pro del mantenimiento de la República española… no dejó de asistir a todos los actos nuestros y cooperando diariamente y en todas las fiestas organizadas por el Galicia y SHC.
- 35.
My translation: Mujeres que se pasan horas delante de los fogones …gratuitamente … sin más recompensa que la satisfacción de haber cumplido con un deber que impone la conciencia.
- 36.
My translation: si hay fallos es porque los componentes tienen que atender a sus labores cotidianas y les es harto difícil atender a los ensayos.
- 37.
My translation: trabajaron como verdaderos artistas, a pesar de ser todos novatos en el arte escénico […] viene[n] cooperando en nuestras funciones desinteresadamente
- 38.
She was Ignacio Zugadi Germendia’s romantic partner, a confederate executive member and staff writer of España Libre
- 39.
Its president in 1941 was Antonia Pujol, and its representatives at confederate assemblies that year were María Machado and Teresa Castillo. Pujol, a Majorcan woman, was also the cook of the AMA fund-raising dinners.
- 40.
New York and Florida were the most common destinations of entry of Spaniards from 1897 to 1944, with 38% and 12%, respectively (Rueda 1993).
- 41.
See Jennifer Guglielmo (2010) on working-class Italian women’s significance in their community in New York in the 1940s.
- 42.
As a former teacher, Carmen Aldecoa secured herself an adjunct post teaching Spanish in the Romance Languages Department at New York University. She later coordinated the Spanish Teaching Assistants in the 1950s and 1960s (V. Fuentes, Carmen Aldecoa. E-mail message to the author, March 6, 2010). Aldecoa was Jesús González Malo’s romantic partner. González Malo, confederated anarcho-syndicalist leader, autodidact, and director of España Libre from 1961 to 1965, worked as a welder (Maurín 1966). Aldecoa was described as a professor who “was with the people” (Grandioso será el festival 1948).
- 43.
As translated in España Libre.
- 44.
United Automobile Workers of America (UAW) supported this alliance with $7,000 (Reuther 1964).
- 45.
The newspaper did not provide information on the dates the committee was active, nor of its members except its 1962 president: Nieves Vázquez.
- 46.
The other council members were: Robert Alexander, Ángel del Río, Eugenio Granell, Joaquín Maurín, Francisco Ayala, Víctor Alba (González Malo 1962b).
- 47.
Amelia del Río gave a lecture on February 12; Violeta Miqueli González, on March 12; and Guillermina Medrano, on August 20.
- 48.
My translation Muchas mujeres delegadas o asistentes al congreso nos recordaron con su presencia y su palabra que si alguien flaquease en su ánimo entre los hombres, no tendría más que mirarlas a ellas, para recobrar su entereza … del ejemplo femenino.
- 49.
The General Secretary was Miguel R. Ortiz, the Assistant Secretary was Jesús González Malo, and the Treasurer was Nieves Vázquez. Georgina Piera, Carmen Conchado, Carmen Kahn, and Magdalena Meijomil were members of confederation’s Executive Committee. Carmen Aldecoa was part of confederation’s International Advisory Committee.
- 50.
Some confederate women such as Aldecoa and Miqueli raised gender implications in España Libre.
- 51.
I would like to thank Dr. Nicolas Kanellos and Dr. Glenda Bonifacio for their helpful suggestions and careful reading. I acknowledge all mistakes are mine.
- 52.
As repeatedly mentioned in España Libre, Spaniards who escaped from the Franco regime often entered the United States as illegal immigrants. Despite their personal risks if they were ever to return to Spain, Spanish Civil War exiles were not granted the status of refugees by American law. Exile meant for most confederates tragic personal circumstances, such as enduring poverty and the haunting memory of lost relatives and friends in the Civil War, as well as those brutally killed or executed in Franco’s prisons. Professor Guillermina Medrano, and exile activist in the United States, declared that exile was especially difficult because she had to endure the fact that her family and friends, who had remained in Spain, were passing away without her being able to go back (Salazar et al. 2006).
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Feu, M. (2012). Transnational Working-Class Women’s Activism in New York’s Confederated Hispanic Societies (1939–1977). In: Bonifacio, G. (eds) Feminism and Migration. International Perspectives on Migration, vol 1. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-2831-8_10
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