Abstract
In recent Chinese political rhetoric concerning the promotion of the so-called Great Western Route of the South-North Water Diversion, participants in the discourse shape their arguments to meet both the demands of the internal debate within China as well as the government’s agenda, to strengthen their position. This is achieved by selectively appropriating those elements of foreign as well as (reinterpreted) traditional Chinese knowledge about water diversion that fortify the respective positions in the internal debate. In their arguments, the discourse contributors stress not only steady economic development that relies strongly on sufficient water resources as prerequisite for social stability and national integrity, but they also connect economic power with the iconic and prestigious aspects of large-scale hydro-engineering projects as a means of strengthening China’s powerful international position. By combining arguments found in foreign discourses and traditional Chinese models, the discourse participants aim to show that China can overcome her perceived weakness in contrast to Western countries and become a stronger and more ‘modern’ society. The domination and transformation of nature through large-scale water diversion is presented as the only means to save China.
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Notes
- 1.
The idea of South-North Water Diversion is normally ascribed to Mao Zedong who already pointed to China’s unevenly distributed water resources in 1952 at an inspection tour at the Yellow River: ‘There is a lot of water in the South and little in the North, if only it were possible to borrow some [from the South]’ (Wang 1957, p. 3; cf. Kao and Leung 1986, p. 301). The same argument is repeated as reason for accomplishing the official South-North Water Diversion Scheme (Qian and Zhang 2001, p. 264; see also RMRB 2003) as well as the additionally promoted Great Western Route (Deng et al. 1999, pp. 103ff; N. N. and Guo 1998a, p. 11).
- 2.
Official rhetoric of a ‘harmonious coexistence of mankind with nature’ is part of the larger strategy of building a ‘socialist harmonious society’ (shehui zhuyi hexie shehui) that has been officially approved in October 2006 at the Sixth Plenum of the 16th Chinese Communist Party Central Committee (henceforth CCP CC) with the long-term aim of securing China’s sustainable development by closing the ever-increasing gap between the coastal region and the hinterland by means of raising living standard and production. The resolution of this plenum particularly stresses that a socialist harmonious society among many other elements should follow the ‘overall requirement of a democratic rule of law, equity and justice, a honest and caring [society], [a society] full of vigour, a stable and orderly [society], [and a society in which] mankind and nature live in harmonious coexistence’ (Zhongguo Gongchandang 2006). The term has already been mentioned in the resolution of the Fourth Plenum of the 16th CCP CC (Zhongguo Gongchandang 2004).
- 3.
All internet sources cited in this chapter are archived at DACHS – Digital Archive for Chinese Studies at the Institute for Chinese Studies, Heidelberg University; please visit the DACHS page at http://www.uni-heidelberg.de/fakultaeten/philosophie/zo/sinologie/digital_resources/dachs/citation_en.html.
- 4.
The term ‘technocratic mindset’ metaphorically draws on the assumption that the thinking, and hence acting, of a person is influenced by the ‘modernist’ agenda of rationality, pragmatism and a belief in progress and modernisation. The world, therefore, is not understood as an outcome of social processes, but rather as rational and technical processes that can be controlled. Large-scale technological solutions are favoured for solving social problems. Technocratic ideas were first popular in early twentieth century in the USA and are expressed, for example, in the American economist and sociologist Thorstein Veblen’s book Engineers and the Price System (1921), in which he states that engineers, scientists and technicians are the best equipped to govern a country in the modern and industrialised age because of their rational, pragmatic and effective planning and thinking. Concerning the Chinese leadership since the 1980s, in comparison to their predecessors, many members of the Politburo of the third and fourth generation fit into the category of highly skilled technocrats with ‘technical education, professional occupation and leadership position’ (Li and White 1990, p. 22). Recent examples are Li Peng and Hu Jintao as hydraulic engineers, Jiang Zemin as electric engineer and Wen Jiabao as geologist.
- 5.
Although flood myths like Great Yu who tamed the floods express an aspiration for an ‘ordered world out of chaos’ (Lewis 2006, p. 1) with a distinct division of rivers and the surrounding land and depict the untamed nature as a threat for human existence, in ‘premodern’ China mankind was still perceived as one part of nature. The assumption here is that with the appropriation of ‘modernist’ ideas the underlying thought patterns of mankind-nature relationship changed to perceive both as separate entities and nature as a mere provider of resources that should further human development.
- 6.
Institutions involved in research for the South-North Water Diversion Scheme in the 1950s had been the Ministry of Water Resources and the Yellow River Conservancy Commission.
- 7.
The Great Western Development Strategy is a policy that started in 2000. It was implemented in order to help the great Western parts of China to catch up with the industrialised coastal regions. The policy is largely based on infrastructural projects. For further information to this policy, see note 24 below.
- 8.
Three routes of the South-North Water Diversion Scheme have been officially approved. The Eastern Route along the old Beijing-Hangzhou Grand Canal and the Middle Route starting from the Danjiangkou Reservoir at the Han River leading northwards to Beijing are already under construction and are supposed to be completed in 2012 and 2014. The most technically challenging is the Western Route, which will tap the headwaters of the Yangzi River. For this route, feasibility studies are under way and completion is scheduled for 2050.
- 9.
Water diversion schemes cause similar social and environmental problems as large dams. Social problems include forced relocation of people, destruction of social structures and power struggles about access to water resources. Environmental problems include the transformation of a fluvial watercourse into a stagnant water body, hindrance or prevention of fish migration and large construction works in seismically active regions. For a much more detailed discussion of dams and diversion schemes in the Himalayas, see Pomeranz’ The Great Himalayan Watershed (2009).
- 10.
During construction of the Middle Route, the Danjiangkou dam has been increased in order to enlarge the reservoir’s volume. It might even be connected with the reservoir of the Three Gorges dam at the Yangzi River in order to increase water flow. If the Western Route is realised, a series of dams will be built on the tributaries of the Yangzi River. Each river will be dammed in order to create a reservoir from which the tunnels and canals will be fed. In the high and remote area of the Himalayas, this is a rather ambitious project.
- 11.
There are different proposals concerning the starting point as well as the magnitude and construction process of the Great Western Route. Deng et al. (1999, ch. 9) specify some routes of importance: These include Guo Kai’s proposal, which is entitled Shuo-Tian Canal (Shuo-Tian yunhe), because it connects the (not yet existent) Shuomatan Reservoir upstream of the Tsangpo’s great bend with Tianjin at China’s east coast (N. N. and Guo 1998a; Guo 1998). The three-step proposal by the Yellow River Conservancy Commission aims first to construct the so-called Small Western Route, thereby capturing the Yangzi River’s headwaters; second, to extend the project to divert water from the Lancangjiang and Nujiang, and third, to dam the Yarlung Tsangpo’s water (Deng et al. 1999, pp. 234ff). A further proposal is by the famous hydro-engineer Lin Yishan of the Yangzi River Conservancy Commission, who was deeply involved in the planning of the Gezhouba and the Three Gorges Dam at the Yangzi River. Lin’s proposal does not include the Tsangpo (Deng et al. 1999, pp. 232ff), but in the future, when the demand for water is even greater and prices are cheaper, it could be extended to capture the Tsangpo as well (Cantian shuili ziyuan 2000). Deng et al. (1999) do not mention the proposal by Huang Wanli, the famous hydro-engineer of Qinghua University, who throughout his academic life opposed the damming of the main courses of large rivers, such as the Yellow and Yangzi rivers. His route would start at the Tsangpo’s great bend (Li 2006, pp. 183ff; Zhao 2001, p. 344; Fan 2007, p. 71). A completely different Shuo-Tian Canal had been proposed by the authors of the Collected Texts of the Shuo-Tian Canal of the Geography Institute of the Chinese Academy of Sciences’ State Planning Commission, starting in Shuo County in Shanxi province; it would divert the Yellow River’s water eastwards to Tianjin (Wang et al. 1992, pp. 4f). This route allegedly refers to Guo Kai’s first proposal of a Shuo-Tian Canal (Fan 2007, p. 71; Li 2006, p. 153).
- 12.
An increasing regional development gap, social stability and autarky are topics discussed by Deng et al. (1999, pp. 106ff), Lin Yishan (Cantian shuili ziyuan 2000) and Yuan Jiazu (1998; Cantian shuili ziyuan 1999). The traditional argument of effective river control as sign for a prosperous government is stressed by Guo Kai (N. N. and Guo 1998b). These topics are discussed in this chapter further below.
- 13.
Usage of foreign water diversion projects as models in order to strengthen internal discourse arguments can be found in an interview with Guo Kai (N. N. and Guo 1998b).
- 14.
The story of how Guo Kai came upon the idea of the Great Western Route is very interesting. During the so-called Cultural Revolution in the 1960s and 1970s, Guo, reportedly ‘groundless accused’, was held captive alone in a basement room for 22 months, where he by chance gained possession of an English edition of a book by the early twentieth century geologist Weng Wenhao about Chinese geography, which stimulated him to think about diverting Tibetan water to North China (Li 2006, p. 119). While reading Weng’s book, he was able to draw on two earlier life experiences: During underground political work in the late 1940s, Guo attended a course of lectures about water conservancy at Qinghua University, as well as in the early years of the People’s Republic, while attending a People’s Liberation Army armed working unit for ‘liberating’ the far Southern and Western regions, Guo gained an impression of the climatic and environmental conditions in these areas. After the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), inspired by Weng’s book, he began consulting experts of the Ministry of Water Resources and the Chinese Academy of Sciences and made extensive field surveys along the route he proposed. Guo tried hard to arouse interest for his idea and was particularly successful among – still influential – senior cadres and military generals. Not having any official background, he is characterised by the Chinese media as a ‘popular water resources expert’ or a ‘person at the margin of water conservancy’ (N. N. and Guo 2006). His authority in terms of water resources management is based on his family history. Guo reportedly is a descendant of the Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368) water resources scholar Guo Shoujing, which roused his interest in rivers and water from his early youth (Li 2006, pp. 116ff). Since Li Ling’s book Save China Through Water From Tibet (2006), the source for Guo Kai’s biographic information, is mainly based on interviews, it seems likely that this claim is part of Guo’s self-promoting strategy of strengthening his authority in the discourse.
- 15.
A translator’s note to Fan Xiao’s article in The China Environment Yearbook contends that the idea and study concerning the Great Western Route dates back to the 1950s (Fan 2008, p. 191, note 7).
- 16.
Internal Consultative Readings, a Chinese language journal for high-ranking cadres in government, party and military, is published since 1990 by the People’s Daily editorial. Between 1990 and 1991, it was published irregularly; since 1992 it is published weekly. The journal deals with important Chinese and foreign political, economic, cultural, diplomatic, military and societal issues that are judged as unsuitable for appearance in public newspapers. Since Internal Consultative Readings is readable in public libraries such as the Shanghai Library (issues from 1995 until the most recent issues), it seems it is not longer classified.
- 17.
Trends in Contemporary Thought, a Chinese language journal published from 1990 to 2004, is organised by the Association of National History (Guoshi xuehui), a direct subordinate of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences’ (CASS) Institute of Contemporary China Studies. Chief editor of the journal is the CASS member and well-schooled philosopher Duan Ruofei, who formerly worked at the Secretariat of the CCP CC (Eckholm 1999; Feng 1999). Trends in Contemporary Thought has allegedly functioned as a mouthpiece for conservative leftist ideas with strong criticism of the government’s reforms and concerns that China is turning into a capitalist society (Feng 1999). Since 2005, the journal Trends in Contemporary Thought is succeeded by China-Today Forum, published by the China Association of Policy Science (Zhongguo zhengce kexue yanjiuhui).
- 18.
The interest of these younger urban-educated academics in the topic of rural and regional economic development was aroused during the Cultural Revolution, when they were sent to the countryside (Fewsmith 1994, p. 34; Liu 2009; Wang 1999). During the 1980s, Wang Xiaoqiang and Deng Yingtao were core members of the think tank China Rural Development Research Group (Zhongguo nongcun fazhan wenti yanjiuzu), subordinate of the CASS’s Agriculture Institute, which aimed for fundamental rural reform (Fewsmith 1994, pp. 34ff; Liu 2009).
- 19.
Studies with a regional approach include The great Himalayan watershed: agrarian crisis, mega-dams and the environment by Kenneth Pomeranz (2009), whose research focus is on Chinese modern social and economic history. It illustrates that China is by no means the only, but the most successful country depending on Himalayan water that solves her water problems at the expense of other countries. Vaclav Smil (2009), whose studies focus on China’s environment, published Finding mutual interests in nature in the popular journal Far Eastern Economic Review, in which he draws on historical models for China’s increasing pace and scope of constructing mega dams and water diversion projects by taking into account the concerns of South Asia and India. Claude Arpi (2008), a journalist and observer of the relationship between India, China and Tibet, stresses the importance of river water treaties in the article Himalayan rivers: geopolitics and strategic perspectives, published in the Indian Defence Review.
- 20.
The perspective of the Tibetan people is represented by two reports with an academic approach, but with a stronger intention of political influence. These are HydroLogic: water for human development by Tashi Tsering (2002), an environmental researcher, whose focus is on the Western Himalaya, published in association with the Tibet Justice Center, which advocates human rights and self-determination for the Tibetan people, and one chapter of Tibet: a human development and environment report (Environment and Development Desk 2007), compiled by the Tibetan Government in Exile.
- 21.
In an article published in the Environment Yearbook edited by the environmental nongovernmental organisation Friends of Nature (Ziran zhi you) that is published in an English translation by Yang Dongping as well, the geologist Fan Xiao highlights the environmental impacts of large-scale construction projects, among these are the proposals for the Great Western Route and the official Western Route of the South-North Water Diversion Scheme. He analyses impacts of such construction works on the natural environment due to geological conditions, but also impacts on the societal environment and international relations (Fan 2007, 2008).
- 22.
The first sections of the Grand Canal, which was closely connected to the hydraulic system of the Yellow River, were built in the fifth century BCE. Yet the different sections were connected for the first time in the Sui Dynasty (581–618) and extended as well as reconstructed in the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644). For an introduction to the Grand Canal, see e.g. Leonard’s Controlling From Afar (1996, ch. 1), Elvin’s The Retreat of the Elephants (2004, ch. 6) and Chi Ch’ao-ting’s Key Economic Areas in Chinese History (1963).
- 23.
For an analysis of a German newspaper discourse on the Rhine-Main-Danube Canal in the 1980s, see Wirth’s article on the sense and nonsense of that navigation route (1983). Wirth shows that in the German discourse, the arguments in favour of the Rhine-Main-Danube Canal show five kinds of arguments: to create a continuous waterway from the North Sea to the Black Sea; the stop of the canal’s construction beyond Nuremberg would be a waste of investment; the canal functions as a lifeline for Austria’s economy; the canal as indispensable for Franconia’s water and energy supply; and the canal as a stimulus for recreation and tourism. As visible from Wirth’s analysis, there is no (nationalistic or patriotic) discourse of strengthening a German identity. However, the discourse includes elements of strengthening the region’s – i.e. Bavaria’s – identity as Germany’s number one industrial and business location and as centre of the European market, especially after the Soviet Union’s disintegration during the late 1980s and early 1990s (Wirth 1983, pp. 45ff). In this sense, it is claimed that the canal should have a ‘unifying force for different nations’ (völkerverbindende Kraft) (1983, p. 49) and that Nuremberg ‘one day will be the centre of European inland navigation transport’ (1983, pp. 53f, originally quoted in Nürnberger Nachrichten, 16–17 September 1972).
- 24.
The Great Western Development Strategy is an amendment to the policy of economic reform, implemented in the late 1970s, which promotes that some regions should become rich first. Only a decade later, Deng Xiaoping saw the need to justify his policy by formulating a two-stage regional development theory: first, the coastal regions should attain central support; once they achieved a sufficient level of development, the focus should be shifted to the interior regions (Tian 2001, pp. 78ff). The main academic discourse during the 1980s assumed that the development disparity between the coastal region and the hinterland would be reduced by a gradual diffuse of the coastal region’s technologies, economic progress and wealth into the hinterland. The growing gap between these two regions, however, did not decrease, but in fact increased even more, as opponents of this ‘trickle down’ theory showed. In the course of discussion of regional development disparities during the 1990s, the intellectual justification for the Great Western Development Strategy had been set (Holbig 2004, pp. 336ff).
- 25.
The Han population of China is the largest ethnic group. In addition to the Han majority, China officially recognises 55 ethnic groups, the so-called ethnic or national minorities.
- 26.
The reference to creating ‘oases’ seems to be a misleading metaphor. It evokes an image of small, green, moist and fertile islands in the midst of the scarce and hostile desert, which like a ‘fata morgana’ may only be an illusion. At least an oasis cannot encompass the whole desert. The proposals, however, depict that the Northwestern parts at large shall be transformed into fertile agricultural fields.
- 27.
Qian Zhengying, the former Minister of Water Resources, respectively, Water Resources and Electric Power (in office 1974–1988), refutes the metaphor of constructing a second ‘Jiangnan’ in North China when calling it ‘violating the laws of nature’ (2001, p. 7). Another former Minister of Water Resources, Wang Shucheng (in office 1998–2007), distances himself from the idea of struggling against nature when saying that due to the historical lessons drawn from the excessive exploitation and destruction of nature in the Mao era, mankind today lives in ‘harmonious coexistence with nature’ (2004, p. 7).
- 28.
For an introduction to the slogan of a ‘harmonious coexistence of mankind with nature’, see also another paper of mine. There I discuss water diversion in China as seen between official rhetoric and the drive to dominate nature (Seeger 2013).
- 29.
The definition of ‘sustainability’, of course, is very diverse. This paper, however, focuses on the difference between sustainable development defined anthropocentrically such as by the World Commission on Environment and Development of 1987: ‘development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs’ (WCED 1987), and defined ecocentrically: nature and environment are taken as the core point and mankind as only one inhabitant among many on earth; thus mankind has the responsibility to conserve the treasures of the earth (e.g. Shiva 2006).
- 30.
After stating that the Chinese inspired many countries to build canals, Guo Kai points to the Soviet Union and the USA’s achievements of cutting canals in their interior regions in the 1930s (N. N. and Guo 1998b, p. 3). If he values both countries’ achievements as influenced by the Grand Canal of China, which dates back to late sixth and early seventh century, he somewhat broadly interprets the influence of a historical achievement.
- 31.
The theory of ‘Chinese origin of Western science’ is discussed, for example, by George Wong (1963) with the focus on its ‘psychological effectiveness’ in late Ming and early Qing (1644–1911) China. It was used by traditionalists ‘to de-popularise and to minimise’ the influence of Western scientific ideas and techniques that were introduced by the Jesuit missionaries (Wong 1963, p. 30).
- 32.
Davydov introduced the project in 1949 by saying: ‘We are building communism, we are transforming life on earth. […] the Ob and Yenisey will empty into the Caspian Sea. […] This is neither a joke nor a useless fancy. It is a problem of national importance with enormous significance for the development of the entire economy of our homeland’ (Davydov 1972, pp. 603f). For more information about the Siberian Rivers Reversal Project, see for example, Duke’s article Seizing favours from nature: the rise and fall of Siberian river diversion (2006). Therein he argues that the reason the Siberian Rivers Rerouting Project did not receive the central government’s support can mainly be attributed to competing economic interests (Duke 2006, p. 5). Giese (1998) shows that early criticism on Davydov’s gigantic plan was evoked by a concern for catastrophic influences on the water balance of the Western Siberian Plain. Later plans by Gidroproyekt in the 1960s were abandoned due to economic reasons: the discovery of oil and gas in the area that would have been inundated (Giese 1998, p. 94).
- 33.
Here Guo refers to the Virgin Land Program that started in 1954 under Khrushchev. The policy was intended to increase the Soviet Union’s wheat production through reclamation of uncultivated lands in Central Asia and Kazakhstan. For more information on this policy, see McCauley’s Khrushchev and the Development of Soviet Agriculture (1976).
- 34.
For Lin Yishan’s proposal of a Great Western Route, see note 11 above.
- 35.
The concept of the ‘mandate of heaven’ is an ancient Chinese philosophical idea that is based on the justly, virtuous and benevolent rule of the king. If the ruler becomes despotic, he loses his mandate. Natural calamities such as floods, droughts, plagues and earthquakes are signs of the mandate’s loss, just as rebellions are legitimate means to establish a new rule.
- 36.
The research is based on the relevant Chinese ancient text databases with a combined keyword search. The result is that the sentence is not a quotation from an ancient Chinese text. The earliest source of this quotation I could locate is in the Shenbao of 10 April 1938, the first Chinese daily newspaper published in Shanghai from 1872 to 1949, in an article in honour of Li Yizhi, the so-called father of hydrology in China. This source, however, does not make a connection to Yu and Gun (Shenbao 1938).
- 37.
The legend of Gun and Yu is as follows: At a time when China was devastated by floods, Gun was ordered by the legendary king Yao to control the floods but failed in his task. Gun’s method of controlling the rivers was to build dams and dykes. After Gun’s execution, his son Yu, who was ordered by Yao’s successor Shun, completed his father’s task. Instead of damming the rivers, however, he dredged the river beds and cut new channels so that the water could drain off to the sea. For an introduction to the legends of Gun and Yu, see Anne Birrell’s book on Chinese mythology (1993, pp. 146–159) or Mark E. Lewis book on flood myths in early China (2006).
- 38.
- 39.
In the chapter the Annals of the Xia in the Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji, ch. 2.1–2.33, pp. 51–67; translated by Allen 1895, pp. 93ff), an ancient historical record that is attributed to Sima Qian and published in the Former Han Dynasty (206 BCE–24 CE) around 100 BCE, as well as in the chapter The counsels of Great Yu in the Book of Documents (Shangshu, ch. 3.2–3.23, pp. 80–90; translated by Legge 1960, pp. 52ff), a collection of ancient official speeches and documents of the first millennium BCE and of later date, a connection between Yu’s engagement for the society in flood control and his achievement in state power is made. Because of his achievements, he had been appointed by the legendary ruler Shun as his descendant. Yu then founded the Xia Dynasty (twenty-first to sixteenth century BCE) and united the different tribal groups. He is therefore praised as the great engineer ruler.
- 40.
One example with frequent mention of such natural disasters is the reign of emperor Cheng (r. 33-7 BCE) of the Former Han Dynasty. For an example of abnormal natural phenomena that are brought in relation to human affairs, see the third year (30 BCE) of Emperor Cheng’s reign in the dynastic history of the Former Han Dynasty (Hanshu 1, ch. 10, pp. 306–308). For a translation of the passage, see Homer H. Dubs’ History of the Former Han Dynasty (Pan 1954, pp. 380ff). For some general remarks about the existence of abnormal natural phenomena and the interpretation of Confucian officials of these ‘disasters’ and ‘unusual phenomena’, see Dubs’ introduction to the chapter of Emperor Cheng’s reign (Pan 1954, pp. 363ff).
- 41.
Fan Xiao, chief engineer at the Sichuan Bureau of Geological Exploration and Exploration of Mineral Resources, has become well known in Western media because of his concerns about hydropower dams in seismically active regions. He, among other Chinese and US scientists, suggested that the large earthquake in Wenchuan at the Min River in May 2008 had been induced by the weight of the close Zipingpu Dam’s reservoir. A collection of articles concerning this topic can be found at the website EastSouthWestNorth under the headline ‘Did the Zipingpu Dam Cause the Sichuan Earthquake?’ (Soong 2009).
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, Sima, Zhen 司马贞 and Zhang, Shoujie 张守节 (Qianlong yulan Siku quanshu huiyao 乾隆御览四库全书荟要 26). Jilin renmin chubanshe, Changchun, 1997Author information
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Editors and Affiliations
Glossary
Glossary
Names and Dates
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Deng Yingtao 邓英淘 (b. 1952)
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Duan Ruofei 段若非 (b. 1936)
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Fan Xiao 范晓
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Guan Zhong 管仲 (eighth to seventh century BCE)
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Gun 鲧, mythological figure
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Guo Kai 郭开 (b. 1933)
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Guo Shoujing 郭守敬 (1231–1316)
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Hu Jintao 胡锦涛 (b. 1942)
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Huang Wanli 黄万里 (1911–2001)
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Jiang Zemin 江泽民 (b. 1926)
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Li Peng 李鹏 (b. 1928)
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Li Yizhi 李仪祉 (1882–1938)
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Lin Yishan 林一山 (1911–2007)
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Mao Zedong 毛泽东 (1893–1976)
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Qian Zhengying 钱正英 (b. 1923)
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Shun 舜, mythological figure
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Sima Qian 司马迁 (second to first century BCE)
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Sun Yatsen (Sun Zhongshan) 孙中山, also known as Sun Wen 孙文 (1866–1925)
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Wang Shucheng 汪恕诚 (b. 1941)
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Wang Xiaoqiang 王小强 (b. 1952)
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Wen Jiabao 温家宝 (b. 1942)
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Weng Wenhao 翁文灏 (1889–1971)
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Yao 尧, mythological figure
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Yu 禹, mythological figure, also known as Great Yu
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Yuan Jiazu 袁嘉祖 (b. 1930)
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Zhang Zhengbin 张正斌 (b. 1962)
Subject Matters, Places, Titles, Institutions, Etc
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Da xixian 大西线 (Great Western Route)
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Guanzi 管子 (Guanzi; classical Chinese text)
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Guoshi xuehui 国史学会 (Association of National History)
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Minzu tuanjie 民族团结 (national/ethnic unity)
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Nanshui beidiao gongcheng 南水北调工程 (South-North Water Diversion Project)
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Ren yu ziran hexie xiangchu 人与自然和谐相处 (Harmonious coexistence of mankind with nature)
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Shehui zhuyi hexie shehui 社会主义和谐社会 (Socialist harmonious society)
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Shuo-Tian yunhe 朔天运河 (Shuo-Tian Canal)
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Shuomatan 朔玛滩 (Shuomatan; proposed dam on the Yarlung Tsangpo)
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Xibu da kaifa 西部大开发 (Great Western Development)
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Xi xue Zhong yuan 西学中源 (Chinese origin of Western science)
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Zaiyi 灾异 (disaster and unusual [natural] phenomena)
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Zhongguo nongcun fazhan wenti yanjiuzu 中国农村发展问题研究组 (China Rural Development Research Group)
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Zhongguo zhengce kexue yanjiuhui 中国政策科学研究会 (China Association of Policy Science)
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Zhonghua minzu 中华民族 (Chinese people)
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Ziran zhi you 自然之友 (Friends of Nature; Chinese environmental nongovernmental organisation)
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Seeger, M. (2014). Tibetan Water to Save China?. In: Nüsser, M. (eds) Large Dams in Asia. Advances in Asian Human-Environmental Research. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-2798-4_3
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