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Indic, Islamic and Thai Influences

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Book cover Muslim Merit-making in Thailand's Far-South

Part of the book series: Muslims in Global Societies Series ((MGSS,volume 4))

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Abstract

This chapter describes Patani’s Indic, Islamic and Thai pasts. The argument is that the Malay kerajaan of Patani was similar to—rather than distinct from—other port city-states on the peninsula and islands of Southeast Asia where a Sanskrit cosmopolis existed for a millennium before the earliest chapters of Islam’s Southeast Asian expansion. Islam also circulated east and west of Patani through trade between the Middle East and China via the Indian Ocean. This created a range of Indian/Arab/Malay creole communities whose members played key roles in the adoption of, or adhesion to, Islam in Southeast Asian port city-states like Patani. India’s importance to the arrival of Islam to the Thai/Malay peninsula relates to what Islam came to, where Islam initially came from, and who Islam came through. Rather than refer to conversion, I refer to an adhesion to, or adoption of, Islam. The impact of Thai and Islamic influences in Patani/Pattani following its defeat in 1785 is described. The details of the process through which the Malay Kingdom (SM. kerajaan) of Patani became the Thai Province of Pattani, including Bangkok’s legislative and administrative initiatives are also provided. A central concern of this chapter is to highlight the fact that these developments coincided with a period of revolution and reform in the Hijaz. I describe how these developments impacted local religious life and thought through local luminaries such as Shaykh Daud Al-Fatani, Shaykh Ahmad Al-Fatani and Haji Sulong. The methodologies and contributions of present-day reformist revivalist movements are also described.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For an excellent review of Pollock see Gould (2008).

  2. 2.

    Indeed, in local marriages the bridal couple are depicted as Shiva and his consort Uma.

  3. 3.

    Although Marcinkowski rigorously argues that Hamzah Fansuri was born in Ayutthaya (2009, p. 397), Martin van Bruinessen argues that Fansuri travelled to Ayutthaya where, through contact with the sizable Persian community, he experienced his profoundest mystical insights (van Bruinessen 1994, p. 114). For more on Hamzah Fansuri see: Braginsky (1999), Brakel (1969).

  4. 4.

    For more on hybridity see Feener (2004).

  5. 5.

    For a recent discussion of the role of Chinese in Islam’s Southeast Asian expansion see Tan Ta Sen (2009) and Geoffrey Wade (2009, 2010).

  6. 6.

    For more on Arabic cosmopolis see Gould (2008, pp. 540–543).

  7. 7.

    One of the best known is lebai, a Tamil term (leppai or lappai) referring to petty religious functionaries such as those who perform the azan.

  8. 8.

    For an excellent recent study of the multiple linguistic influences on modern Malay see Tham Seong Chee (1990) and James Sneddon (2003).

  9. 9.

    Cited in Laffan (2003, p. 12).

  10. 10.

    Other Persian influences still discernable in Southeast Asian Islam include the Jawi script closely resembling Persian, and the preparation of ashura, which coincides with Shiite commemorates of the martyrdom of Hussein. The hikayat genre is also of Persian origin, although it has long been integrated into the mainland Muslim culture. Although hikayat resembled epic genres which already existed, these begun to be adapted a century after first appearing in Pasai (Bradley 2006, p. 10). For more on the Persian influence see Marrison (1955).

  11. 11.

    Johns (1961) and Syed Naguib Al-Attas (1969) have most famously argued for the importance of the agency of Sufism, specifically the Qadiriyah and Naqshabandiah orders. Johns regards Sufis accompanying merchant trading guilds as missionary preachers active in proselytism (Johns 1961, pp. 33–35).

  12. 12.

    For more on Thai influence on the Thai/Malay peninsula which included present-day Kelantan, Terengganu and Kedah see Suwannathat-Pian (1986, 1988).

  13. 13.

    Those interested in Patani’s rajahs are encouraged to consult a recent study by Stefan Amirell (2011).

  14. 14.

    For more on this period see Bradley (2009a, pp. 114–188, 2009b, 2010).

  15. 15.

    The Chief Judge of Satun, Luang Prapai Pitayakun, a member of the committee to codify and translate the law, wrote a report to the Ministry of Justice, an extract of which is found below: “When the dato’ yutitham received the instructions from the Chief Judge of the Southern Region […] they explained that they could not possibly finish their assignments in such a short period (5 months). The reason was that the rules applied in the marriage and inheritance cases usually were not taken directly from the Holy Koran. They were rather taken from a collection of the exegeses of the Holy Koran which were called kitab. And there were dozens of authors who wrote scores of kitab with various names and length. Some kitab gave only the principles and others gave details. Some kitab might contain different rules from others” (Pitsuwan, 1985, p. 136).

  16. 16.

    As a result of massive immigration, Chinese were now Thailand’s largest minority, who General Phibul Songkhram infamously compared to the Jews in Germany.

  17. 17.

    Those interested in the history of the Chularajamontri should consult Marcinkowski (2003) and Yusuf (1998, 2010).

  18. 18.

    The demands were: (1) A single individual from the four southern provinces be made responsible for their administration; (2) 80% of government servants in the four southern provinces be Muslims; (3) both Malay and Thai should be the official languages; (4) Malay should be the medium of instruction in primary schools; (5) Muslim law should be both recognised and enforced in separate courts, and that an Islamic judge should also sit as an assessor in civil courts; (6) revenues derived from the four southern provinces should be utilised by them; (7) the formation of all Muslim affairs should be under the authority of the head of the four southern provinces (Farouk Bajunid, 1987, p. 263). For more on Haji Sulong’s seven demands see (Aphornsuvan, 2008).

  19. 19.

    On Duson Nyor see Chaiwat Satha-Anand’s treatment (2006).

  20. 20.

    The most important studies of Islamic education in South Thailand include those by Dulyakasem (1981, 1991), Liow (2005, 2009a, 2009b), Madmarn (1990), Narongraksakhet (2005), Scupin (1989).

  21. 21.

    These developments were intimately connected with the negotiated ending to the Malaysian emergency and surrender of the Malaysian and Thai communist parties.

  22. 22.

    Scupin summarises the four extant Thai translations of the Qur’an having been completed by: (1) Direk Kulsiriswasd; (2) Tuan Suannarsard (a former Chularajamontri) patronised and financed by the Thai royal family; (3) Marwan Sama Oon and Barlcat Siamwalla; (4) the Committee of the former Thai students of the Islamic seminaries in the Arab world (Scupin, 1998, p. 252).

  23. 23.

    The most fundamental inadequacies of references to “Wahhabis” is its imprecise employment by most journalists and some academics to describe a range of groups adhering to an austere and puritanical version of Islam.

  24. 24.

    Although comparisons have been made between the Salafiyyah Protestantisms, these have recently been criticised by Salafism and Protestantism Syed Farid Al-Attas (2007, p. 515).

  25. 25.

    For more on al-Iman see Abu Bakar Hamzah (1991) and Azra (1999).

  26. 26.

    On the kaum muda and kaum tua on the Malay peninsula see Roff (1985, 1998).

  27. 27.

    Sedgwick describes the neo-Salafism that developed from the late 1920s was a mixture of the Salafism encountered in Egypt and Damascus with the Wahhabism of the Hijaz (2005, p. 232).

  28. 28.

    Those interested in more details on Shaykh Daud should refer to Bradley (2010, pp. 189–271), Lukmanul Hakim Darusman (2010, pp. 335–405), and the (somewhat hagiographic) biographies written by his grandson, Wan Mohammad Saghir Abdullah (1990, 1992).

  29. 29.

    The two most important studies on Shaykh Ahmad Al-Fatani are Ismail bin Yasmid (2008) and Rahimmula (1990).

  30. 30.

    This was the subject of Perayot Rahimmula’s Ph.D. thesis (1990), which is available as a large English translation. Although last printed in 1957, photocopied copies of these are still available in Islamic book shops in Pattani.

  31. 31.

    Those interested in reading more about Tok Kenali should refer to Abdullah al-Qari bin Haji Salleh (1974).

  32. 32.

    Confusingly, Joseph Liow claims that Haji Sulong studied under Shaykh Ahmad following his brief return to Patani in 1916, even though he notes that Shaykh Ahmad died in 1908 (2010, p. 36).

  33. 33.

    I wish to thank Muhammad Arafat bin Muhammad for drawing my attention to this.

  34. 34.

    Note that these views resemble those of Nik Abdul Aziz bin Haji Nik Mat, the spiritual adviser (SM. Mursyidul Am) of PAS (SM. Parti Islam Se-Malaysia), better known as Nik Aziz. Farish Noor argues that his time at the famous Darul Uloom Madrasah in Deoband, North India convinced him that ‘ulama were the primary vehicles for addressing society's ills and that Islam had to be purified from accretions and innovations (2003, p. 207).

  35. 35.

    Horstmann (2007a, 2007b), Liow (2009c), and Noor (2007b, 2009b, 2009c) have provided the most important treatments of the Tablighi Juma’at in Thailand.

  36. 36.

    The Tabligh Juma’at was established in Bangkok in the 1920s through Pakistani immigrants, who in the 1950s also established Jam’ I-yatul-Islam, modelled on the subcontinent’s Jama’at-i Islam (Scupin 1998, pp. 245–246). South Asians began to arrive in Thailand following the Bowring Treaty (1855) which granted extraterritorial privileges to British subjects in Thailand. The Anglo-Siamese treaty (1909) permitted British subjects to trade freely in Thailand. During Siam’s period of rapid modernisation, South Asians worked in jobs that indigenous Thais were untrained to do. Owing to their ability at reading English, Arabic, Hindi and Urdu, such jobs included working in Siam’s new postal service (Scupin 1998, pp. 244–245). South Asians in Thailand are also closely associated with the cattle and textile trades (See Sathian, 2004). Similarities in the conditions which facilitated Islamic reformism in Thailand to other parts of the Muslim world are noted by Scupin, who points to Bangkok’s urbanisation providing “the social conditions for the Islamic reform movement in Thailand” that attracted a “young, educated, urban-based social clientele”. Scupin also notes that “steady improvements in communications, especially printing, brought Thai Muslims into closer touch with centers of Islamic reformism in the Middle East, South Asia, and other Islamic areas of South-East Asia” (Scupin, 1998, p. 252).

  37. 37.

    Alexander Horstmann, in his study of the Tabligh Jama’at in Nakhon Si Thammarat, regards the Tabligh Jama’at as central to the reformist project of eradicating practices of Hindu origin, through pressuring villagers to drop traditions, discontinue rituals and dismiss folk-culture (2005, p. 111). This many be the case in Nakhon Si Thammarat, but this is not the nature of the Tabligh Juma’at’s activities in Cabetigo.

  38. 38.

    Other early Salafiyyah advocates include Jahi Abdullah Benaekebong and Ustaz Abdullah Chinarong, the first known locally as Abdullah India owing to his religious training in Deoband, India (Liow, 2009c, p. 201).

  39. 39.

    The establishment of the Yala Islamic University was sponsored by the Saudi-based Islamic Development Bank, the Saudi Ministry of Religious Affairs, the King of Qatar, the King of Kuwait, as well as private donors from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates.

  40. 40.

    Lutfi has a doctorate in comparative Islamic jurisprudence from the Islamic University of Al-Imam Mohammad Ibn Saud in Riyadh, an M.A. in comparative fiqh (Ar. Islamic jurisprudence) at the Ibn Saud, and a B.A. in usuluddin (Ar. religious principles) from Madinah University.

  41. 41.

    Liow claims that the most important of these was Shaykh Sa’id Hawwa, Lutfi’s Syrian lecturer, tutor and supervisor (2009a, p. 90). Lutfi’s doctrinal inclinations are also complex. His doctoral dissertation argues for the importance of time, space and context when applying precepts of Islamic law (see 2009a, pp. 113–120).

  42. 42.

    Golomb’s outstanding ethnographic work (1978, 1985a, 1985b) has dealt with the healing practices of Buddhists and Muslims in Kelantan, Pattani, Songkhla and Central Thailand.

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Joll, C.M. (2012). Indic, Islamic and Thai Influences. In: Muslim Merit-making in Thailand's Far-South. Muslims in Global Societies Series, vol 4. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-2485-3_2

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