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Vitalism and the Scientific Image in Post-Enlightenment Life Science, 1800-2010 pp 51–75Cite as

Rethinking Organic Vitality in Germany at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century

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Part of the book series: History, Philosophy and Theory of the Life Sciences ((HPTL,volume 2))

Abstract

This paper complicates accepted narratives of vitalism in Germany in the years around 1800. The early 1790s were marked by a proliferation of publications arguing for special Lebenskräfte to explain the unique properties of organic vitality. These works appeared in reaction to a controversial claim to provide a chemical explanation of the phenomena of life by Girtanner in a 1790 treatise. Despite Kant’s critical analysis of the limits of our ability to understand living organisms and his rejection of the possibility of a science of life, several physiologists and naturalists argued for a science of biology based on unique vital principles. But new empirical investigations into the material conditions of excitability and generation from the mid-1790s blurred the boundary between organic and inorganic phenomena. Schelling drew on these new studies to reject a unique vital power or science of life, and instead to conceive living processes as but a stage in the dynamic becoming of nature. Vitalism in Germany thus was not a product of speculative philosophies of nature. Both philosophies of nature and experimental investigations at the turn of the nineteenth century problematized the demarcation of a distinct domain of life, even as they focused attention on organic vitality.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The expression “epistemic virtue” comes from Daston and Galison (2007). They argue for epistemology wedded to an ethos in the pursuit of scientific knowledge, so that the valuing of scientific objectivity is fused with the valuing of a certain kind of scientific self.

  2. 2.

    Haller’s physiology textbooks were divided according to the main parts of the human body, from the basic animal fibers through to the reproductive parts, providing a description of the anatomical structure and function of each. Haller (1751, 5). Cf. Cunningham (2002, 651–56), Cunningham (2003, 66–67), and Roe (1984).

  3. 3.

    Kant (1902–1983, A xi). In citing the Critique of Pure Reason, references are to A and B, the first edition (1781) and second edition (1787), found in volumes III and IV of the Akademie edition (Kant 1902–1983), respectively. All other references to Kant’s works cite the volume and page numbers of the Akademie edition, as is standard in critical editions and translations.

  4. 4.

    Kant (1902–1983, A93/B126).

  5. 5.

    Kant (1902–1983, A287/B343, A761/B789).

  6. 6.

    Cf. Buchdahl (1992, 195–242), Friedman (1992), Carrier (2004) and Breitenbach (2006).

  7. 7.

    Kant already introduced such strictures in his pre-critical works, his 1755 General natural history and theory of the heavens and 1763 On the only possible argument in support of a demonstration of the existence of God.

  8. 8.

    Kant (1902–1983, II, 434n).

  9. 9.

    Kant (1902–1983, V, 419, VIII, 161–62). On Herder’s significance to Kant’s history of nature, cf. Zammito (1992, 178–213).

  10. 10.

    Kant (1902–1983, V, 424). On the relationship of Kant to Blumenbach, cf. Lenoir (1982, 17–35), McLaughlin (1982), Sloan (2002, 246–50), Richards (2002, 329–37) and Bernasconi (2006).

  11. 11.

    Kant (1902–1983, V, 375; XX, 236). Cf. Steigerwald (2011), Zuckert (2007), Quarfood (2004) and Ginsborg (2001).

  12. 12.

    Kant (1902–1983, V, 385–87).

  13. 13.

    Steigerwald (2013) and Cohen (2004).

  14. 14.

    The general review journal Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung alone carried hundreds of articles on Kant’s philosophy. On the post-Kantian philosophical debates, cf. Beiser (2002, 223–259). Numerous physicians, physiologists and naturalists referred to Kant in their works during the 1790s, but with varying degrees of engagement with his work.

  15. 15.

    Review of Johann Daniel Metzger’s Ueber Irritabilität und Sensibilität, Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen 149 (18 Sep. 1794): 1496. The anonymous review was most likely by Girtanner. On Haller’s experiments on irritability and sensibility, and the controversies surrounding them, cf. Steinke (2005, 49–174).

  16. 16.

    Girtanner (1791, 320–22).

  17. 17.

    Cf. the letters accusing Girtanner of plagiarism by Mr. Ash, and Girtanner’s defense, in the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung (6 Aug. 1791) Intelligenzblatt 97: 801–2, (3 Sep. 1791) Intelligenzblatt 107: 882, and (10 Sep. 1791) Intelligenzblatt 113: 929–30; and the Medicinisch-Chirurgische Zeitung (1791) 4: 369–80. Over the plagiarism controversy, cf. Risse (1971, 148–56) and Tränkle (1986).

  18. 18.

    Girtanner (1791). The differences between Lavoisier’s chemical system and phlogiston theory cannot be reduced to the role of oxygen, although Girtanner focused upon this difference. For very good summaries of the differences between the two, cf. Durner (1994) and Golinski (2003). On the reception of Lavoisier in Germany, cf. Hufbauer (1982).

  19. 19.

    Hecker (1793), Schäffer (1793), Metzger (1794) and Kielmeyer (1993).

  20. 20.

    Hufeland (1795). Hufeland founded a Journal of Practical Medicine arguing for the import of medical practice based in experience rather than theoretical systems. On Hufeland’s career and contributions, cf. Broman (1996, 104–19) and Pfeifer (2000).

  21. 21.

    Kant (1902–1983, IV, 470).

  22. 22.

    Reil (1795). Reil was introduced to Kant’s critical philosophy through his contact with the Kantian Marcus Herz in Berlin before his move to Halle. Cf. Broman (1996, 86–88) and Richards (2002, 252–61).

  23. 23.

    Roose (1797, iii), Burdach (1800, § 195, 162), Treviranus (1802–1822, I, 23, 38). On the first uses of the term biology, cf. Kanz (2006).

  24. 24.

    Hufbauer (1982), Clark (1997), Ziche (1998) and Bach and Breidbach (2001).

  25. 25.

    The significance of Haller and Blumenbach to the contestation over organic vitality in the 1790s points to the important influence of the University of Göttingen (cf. Lenoir 1982; Stuber et al. 2005). Haller and Blumenbach, both professors at the prestigious medical school at Göttingen, had extended networks of students and correspondents, edited prominent journals, and authored important textbooks widely distributed in several editions in Latin and German as well as other European languages. Their contributions remained to traditional fields of physiology and natural history, and not a new discipline of biology. But many of the figures developing a new science of life, from Reil and Treviranus to Kielmeyer and Oken, were students in Göttingen.

  26. 26.

    On European debates regarding galvanism, cf. Bresadola (2008), Piccolino (2007), Pincaldi (2003), Bertucci and Pancaldi (2001), Moiso (1994) and Pera (1992). On the reception of the galvanic experiments in Germany, cf. Trumpler (1992).

  27. 27.

    Cf. Humboldt’s letters, 12 December 1792, 29 July 1795, and 26 August 1795, in Humboldt (1973, 219–23, 438–40, 454–56). Also cf. Humboldt (1795, 1797, I, 3, 8, 31–32).

  28. 28.

    Humboldt (1795, 471–73, 1797, I, 22–27, 34–36, 68–87, 242–48, II, 173–75).

  29. 29.

    Humboldt (1797, II, 41–42). Humboldt’s 1793 work appeared in German translation in 1794; compare Humboldt (1797, II, 41–75, 100–47, 430–36).

  30. 30.

    Cf., for example, “Ideen zu einer allgemeineren Geschichte und Theorie der Entwicklungserscheinungen der Organisationen,” in Kielmeyer (1938, 102–94). Cf. Lenoir (1982 , 37–53) and Low (1979, 91–112).

  31. 31.

    Although Treviranus would later contribute several studies on the anatomy of the reproductive organs of invertebrates as well as fish, amphibians and small rodents (Smit 1976), for his Biology he drew on the comparative anatomy and comparative physiology of Blumenbach, Louis D’Aubenton, Georges Cuvier and other prominent naturalists.

  32. 32.

    Treviranus (1802–1822, I, 52).

  33. 33.

    Treviranus (1802–1822, II, 267–95, 319–52). On Needham’s experiments, cf. Needham (1748), and Roe (1983). Spallanzani’s work appeared in German in 1769: Lazzaro Spallanzani, Physikalische und Mathematische Abhandlungen. Leipzig: Gleditschens.

  34. 34.

    Treviranus (1802–1822, I, 52, 59–60, 97–103, II, 264–67, 353, 403–4).

  35. 35.

    Treviranus (1802–1822, I, 63–70, 98–99, II, 264–67).

  36. 36.

    Ghiselin (2005).

  37. 37.

    Oken (2007, I, 1–2). Page numbers are from the original edition of Die Zeugung, cited in this edition.

  38. 38.

    Oken (2007, I, 19, 97–107).

  39. 39.

    Oken (2007, I, 108, 216).

  40. 40.

    Oken (2007, II, §§833–869, 911–953).

  41. 41.

    Schelling (1976-, V, 69, 84–85).

  42. 42.

    Schelling (1976-, VII, 275–80).

  43. 43.

    Kant (1902–1983, IV, 467–70).

  44. 44.

    Schelling (1976-, VI, 66–77, 61–82, 254, 257).

  45. 45.

    Schelling (1976, VIII, 311).

  46. 46.

    Schelling (1976-, VI, 82).

  47. 47.

    Schelling (1976-, VIII, 117–33, 180–92).

  48. 48.

    Schelling (1976-, VI, 203–24, 252–54, VIII, 44–48).

  49. 49.

    Schelling (1976-, VIII, 180–230).

  50. 50.

    Schelling (1976-, VIII, 112–13).

  51. 51.

    Dömling (1802) and Döllinger (1805). Cf. Gerabek (1995, 238–50).

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  1. Science and Technology Studies, Humanities, York University, 4700 Keele Street, Toronto, ON, M3J 1P3, Canada

    Joan Steigerwald

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  1. Lyman Briggs College, Michigan State University, Auditorium Road 426, East Lansing, 48824, Michigan, USA

    Sebastian Normandin

  2. Centre for History of Science, Dept. of Philosophy and Moral Sciences, Ghent University, Blandijnberg 2, Ghent, 9000, Oost-Vlaanderen, Belgium

    Charles T. Wolfe

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Steigerwald, J. (2013). Rethinking Organic Vitality in Germany at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century. In: Normandin, S., Wolfe, C. (eds) Vitalism and the Scientific Image in Post-Enlightenment Life Science, 1800-2010. History, Philosophy and Theory of the Life Sciences, vol 2. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-2445-7_3

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