Abstract
Water management technologies and approaches in South Asia can be considered the result of two opposite forces: on the one hand, the modernist push for technological advance and reductionist thinking supported by local bureaucracies and international competition; on the other, local attempts to develop adaptive approaches and technologies, increasingly supported by NGOs and more recent international aid policies. Despite the disproportionate power between the two, evolutionary patterns of technologies are not the result of linear domination forces. On the contrary, local technologies and knowledge seem to evolve through complex interplay between local and global pressures as a result of cognitive and practical interactions. In the attempt to deal with these issues, our paper analyses some case studies from India. Our particular concern is with the evolutionary patterns of water management approaches and technologies with reference to the changing local–global interaction dynamics. In this context, we discuss the innovation potential of actual interaction spaces and the role local and global actor networks play in shaping mechanisms of cognitive interaction and technological innovation.
The present chapter is the result of a joint research work carried out by the authors. Nevertheless, A. Barbanente wrote Sects. 4.1, 4.3, D. Borri wrote Sect. 4.6, L. Grassini wrote Sects. 4.2, 4.4, 4.5, 4.7.
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Notes
- 1.
Soon after independence obtained in 1947, an average of 23% of public funds were given to the irrigation sector on a nationwide basis.
- 2.
These critiques developed because of the popular rhetoric on cognitive and epistemological differences between western and indigenous knowledge. Kloppenburg (1991), for instance, used paired concepts drawn from a range of sources to highlight differences between the two ways of knowing (e.g. tacit versus explicit, concrete versus abstract, intuitive versus rational, feminine versus masculine, craft versus science, relative versus absolute, indigenous versus scientific and so on).
- 3.
One example was the quick popularity of hand pumps in Indian rural villages, since they were considered an optimum compromise between simplified western technological input and local desire to manage water resources in a decentralized way (Black 1998).
- 4.
Among them, two of the most important are the Global Water Partnership and the Water Supply and Sanitation Collaborative Council, both promoting global forums and smaller scale working groups with the aim to foster a dialogue among governmental and non governmental bodies, donor organizations, professional and research bodies, and the private sector.
- 5.
If specific sources of data are not cited, information contained in this section is directly taken from field observations and interviews.
- 6.
Grassroots movements range from religious groups, acting on the basis of spiritual belief in conservation practices, to community based associations later developed into the Saurashtra Lok Manch NGO.
- 7.
In 1999, the total number of check dams in Saurashtra was around 2000.
- 8.
While in the 1950s and 1960s the ‘slum clearance’ approach prevailed and led to great demolition processes and relocation strategies in developing countries, in the 1970 s more comprehensive upgrading strategies emerged, where house rehabilitation was part of a broader process of community development (Cohen 1983). More focused sectoral strategies then emerged around the Nineties, with increasing attention being paid to institutional and participatory mechanisms (Kessides 1997).
- 9.
The Slum Networking Project was implemented in 183 slums of Indore between 1989 and 1997 and in some pilot schemes in Baroda in 1994. Implementation in Ahmedabad started in 1996 (Tripathi 1998).
- 10.
The Slum Networking Project in Ahmedabad, Indore and Baroda received several international awards, like the Best Practices award at the Habitat II conference in Istanbul in 1996 and the Aga Khan Award for Architecture in 1998. It was among the best practices list of Habitat II in 1998 and part of the best practices examples in the Cities Alliance, as a global partnership among cities launched by the WB-UNCHS in 1999 with the final aim to be freed from slums and to make a contribution to the improvement of the living conditions of 100 million slum dwellers by 2020. For further details see Grassini (2007).
- 11.
Since slum areas are usually illegally built along main drainage patterns of the cities, the improvements of their drainage and sewerage patterns and their connection to the city main network should result in a general improvement in the gravity based infrastructural network of the city as a whole (Parikh 1995). From here the project name, ‘Slum Networking’.
- 12.
In Ahmedabad, the partnership envisaged three major groups: the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC), the local community and a private industry, with additional support from a local NGO and Parikh himself.
- 13.
By primary level we mean the level consisting of pieces of information about the objects and their cause-and-effect, spatial, and temporal relationships; by secondary level we mean the level consisting of the overlying ‘concepts’, which are abstracted from the information level and explain the information pieces in a meaningful whole.
- 14.
In this respect, some studies (Brodt 2001) have demonstrated that a knowledge system as a whole may survive better in the face of changes if it is organized into relatively independent subsections which can have their own independent pattern of development. On the other hand, the erosion of traditional knowledge is also related to the scale of application, the possibility being to scale-up practices which are likely to be maintained even within changing economic circumstances. This is particularly relevant given the unequal scale power that modern technologies can have because of their mode of production and ease of diffusion.
- 15.
Simplified modelling of technological change is of course trivial, in the light of the high complexity of situations and dynamics: it can help to understand the structure and functioning of the technical space under consideration. New techniques replace the old ones according to a process which evolves in a multidimensional space. When this hyperspace is reduced to a 3D—cognitive, political, and economic—space, three mechanisms (macro-agents) rule this evolutionary technical space: (i) cognition of a new technique somewhere replacing an old one is precondition for the adoption of a new technique elsewhere (or in given multi-agent space) and for building organizational environments around it; (ii) politics—endogenously or exogenously driven—influences penetration of a new technique into the space of an old one; (iii) economy allows the replacement of a given technique with a new one on the basis of the economic convenience or inconvenience of this replacement. This schematic model is, partly, an agent-based transposition of the well known technology life cycle model (Moore 2002; Rogers 2003). At the top level of the technological arena macro-agents (institutional, social) continuously operate technological change within this technological multidimensional space while at the bottom micro-agents (technique raiders-representatives, individuals) continuously implement and contribute to the evolution of this technical change (Henderson and Clark 1990).
- 16.
In this perspective, religious and other symbolic attitudes towards science and technology could be considered as greatly influencing the alternation of scientific and technological visions and arrangements.
- 17.
See the rise and the development of the ecological movement, which has highlighted failures of, and ecological risks from, new techniques (Worster 1985).
- 18.
- 19.
In this view, globalization is mainly seen as bringing homologation of techniques and therefore decontextualization and deterritorialization, i.e. dangerous detachment from the structures and constraints of the local environments.
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Acknowledgments
The empirical material on which the paper is based has been developed as part of the PhD research of Laura Grassini in Urban and Regional Planning at the University La Sapienza, Rome, with funding from the same University. A first draft of this paper was presented at a special session on ``Changing Perspectives on Technology in Environmental Transformation and Management” of the conference ``Asian Horizons: Cities, States and Societies”, held in Singapore with funding support from the National University of Singapore. Special thanks are due to David Higgitt for the organization of that session and the opportunity for in-depth discussion.
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Barbanente, A., Borri, D., Grassini, L. (2012). Evolutionary Technologies in Knowledge-Based Management of Water Resources: Perspectives from South Asian Case Studies. In: Higgitt, D. (eds) Perspectives on Environmental Management and Technology in Asian River Basins. SpringerBriefs in Geography. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-2330-6_4
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